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Election Bulletin: Burma’s Elections Marked by Violence, Intimidation and Ethnic Inequality

2010-11-19T12:03:00.000-08:00

19 November 2010

"Voters were watched closely while casting votes. It was not free. There will not be change… We were scared and there was nothing we could do".
- A voter in Shan State

Burma’s November elections took place in an environment marked by widespread violence and intimidation as the regime sought to exploit the pervasive climate of fear in Burma to ensure complete control over the electoral process. Intimidation and threats were carried out in the lead up to the elections, in order to ensure a lack of a viable political opposition and to guarantee popular support for regime-backed parties. These threats proved to be largely successful, and when they were not, the regime often followed up with prompt repercussions. Such election related human rights violations took place across the country, but were noticeably worse in ethnic areas, highlighting the regime’s long-standing policy of ethnic discrimination and persecution. This disregard for ethnic rights has translated in heightened tension between ethnic communities and the central regime, and an associated risk of increased armed conflict in ethnic areas.

Burma Election Tracker has collected over 200 reports involving violence and intimidation; sources range from media groups, to citizen reports, to inside networks and personal interviews.

As a whole, many incidents of intimidation relied upon, and perpetuated the deeply entrenched climate of fear in Burma. The polling booths were designed to diminish voter secrecy, and allow for greater surveillance of voters. A Peace and Diversity party candidate Aung Myo Oo stated:

The polling booth officials … are sitting near the voters while they are voting … So there is no security for them. I think this is deliberate … This is not a secret ballot. This insecurity means the voters are afraid of possibly being watched from behind and have doubts over the privacy of their ballot. It’s not good if the voter feels insecure at a polling station. They might think they will be in trouble unless they vote for the USDP
Aung Myo Oo’s statements corroborated with citizen reports gathered by Burma Election Tracker from voters. An Arakan voter stated, “I voted for USDP because there were may security officers. Others also did the same,” while another voter in Rangoon said, “There were USDP members 10 yards away form the polling station and as well as in the polling station telling people to vote for them. I voted for USDP as I was afraid of them.” This climate of fear was present during the pre-election and post election period, and significantly affected the ability of voters to truly voice their opinions. [...]

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ESSAY: BURMA'S "CARPE DIEM MOMENT"

2010-11-19T12:01:00.000-08:00

From time to time, Burma hits the world headlines. It did so in September 2007, when Buddhist monks courageously led peaceful protests against the country’s brutal military regime, and faced a bloody crackdown. The following year, when Cyclone Nargis struck and the regime initially rejected international aid and access for aid workers, horrific stories of the dead, dying and displaced were again on our television screens. Then last year, after an American Mormon, John Yettaw, swam across the lake to the home of detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the international spotlight was briefly on Burma. Ironically, it was Aung San Suu Kyi who was put on trial, and sentenced to a further three years for having a visitor without permission – even though he arrived uninvited. Burma’s dictator, Senior General Than Shwe, reduced the sentence to 18 months, in an act deliberately designed to make him look compassionate while keeping her out of the way until after the regime’s sham elections.

Once again, Burma is in the news. The scenes last weekend of Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi emerging from her latest stretch of seven years’ house arrest, and greeting crowds of thousands waiting at the gate of her home, were as visually inspiring as Nelson Mandela’s walk out of prison twenty years ago. Scenes of her addressing crowds the next day from the offices of her banned party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), and giving interviews to the BBC and ABC, had been unimaginable even a few weeks ago. She has, after all, spent a total of 15 of the past 20 years in detention.

Yet Burma has suffered from the international media’s short attention span. Each time a key event occurs, the media spotlight shines into the darkness of Burma for a few days, and then the media circus moves on and world attention moves with it. This time, we must not let that happen.

While Aung San Suu Kyi’s release is very welcome, there is a long way to go before Burma’s suffering at the hands of this regime is over. Comparisons with Mandela’s release have been made by many commentators, but the parallel stops at the gate of her house. Mandela was freed because South Africa’s apartheid regime was crumbling, and FW de Klerk knew he had to reform. He engaged with Mandela to chart a peaceful transition to democracy, and Mandela’s release was part of a process of change. In Burma, if the generals have their way, there will be no change.

Aung San Suu Kyi has been freed not because Senior General Than Shwe, Burma’s dictator, has become a reformer, but because he cares more than we realise about his international image, and offers this fig leaf to divert attention from the sham elections, offensives against Burma’s ethnic groups and crimes against humanity.

So the international community must ask what next?

Aung San Suu Kyi has signalled her determination to unify the democracy movement and engage in dialogue with the generals. She has displayed a remarkable absence of bitterness, and extraordinary magnanimity in suggesting she would like the generals to have the opportunity to be the real heroes in this. They can do that by defying all expectations, abandoning their past track record, and taking up her offer of talks. For this to happen, the international community must help.

First, pressure on the junta must be maintained and intensified. Now is not the time to go soft. The message must be given, clearly and unambiguously, to the regime that until it frees all the remaining 2,200 political prisoners, declares a nationwide ceasefire in the ethnic areas and engages in a meaningful dialogue with the democracy movement led by Aung San Suu Kyi and genuine representatives of Burma’s ethnic groups, we cannot speak of progress.

The regime’s widespread and systematic use of rape as a weapon of war, forced labour, torture and the recruitment of child soldiers must stop, and there must be access for international humanitarian organisations to all parts of the country. The military must end its shoot-on-sight policy in which ethnic civilians, including the elderly, women and children are killed at point-blank range.

Since 1996, more than 3,500 villages in eastern Burma alone have been destroyed. In other parts of the country, particularly Chin, Arakan and Kachin states in western and northern Burma, religious persecution of Christians and Muslims is a policy alongside rape and forced labour. Only when all the people of Burma, regardless of ethnicity and religion, are assured equal rights and real peace can we talk of progress.

Equally, however, the junta should be assured that if it does these things, its relationship with the outside world can change and sanctions can be eased. A carefully co-ordinated strategy of targeted pressure and high-level engagement must be developed. The UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon must take personal leadership of these efforts, and lead a new UN initiative to encourage dialogue in Burma. Australia should play its part in encouraging this.

Dialogue is the one policy which unites everyone. The UN, the European Union, the United States, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and even China have called for dialogue. Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationalities have always indicated their readiness to talk. Now a sustained effort to begin talks must be made. For Burma’s regime, this is an opportunity to prove us all wrong and respond to the wishes of Burma’s people. For Ban Ki-moon, and the entire international community, this is an opportunity to restore the UN’s credibility, show leadership and finally stand by Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma with action rather than rhetoric. This is a carpe diem moment.

Benedict Rogers is a human rights activist working with Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) based in London. He has made more than 30 visits to Burma and its borderlands, and is the author of 'Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant' (Silkworm Books, 2010).

Think janata, not junta

2010-11-18T13:04:00.000-08:00

The release of Aung San Suu Kyi comes at an important juncture in India’s relations with Burma. During the visit of General Than Shwe — leader of the junta and Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council — to India earlier this year, the two sides concluded a raft of economic and security deals and agreements. The lengthy joint statement issued at the end of the visit made no reference to the political situation within Burma, let alone anything about the internment of Ms Suu Kyi. This was particularly problematic in the context of political developments in the country: the adoption of undemocratic election laws; the disqualification of Ms Suu Kyi and the dissolution of her party, the National League for Democracy.

India’s stance has been criticised by Western democracies. US President Barack Obama’s pointed observations in his speech to the Indian parliament captured the prevailing views on this subject. India, he noted, had “often shied away” from condemning gross violations of human rights. When the Burma junta openly suppressed democratic aspirations of its people, “democracies of the world cannot remain silent”. India’s concerns, he suggested, stemmed from a misplaced concern about violating the principle of state sovereignty.

In fact, concerns about state sovereignty have seldom inhibited India from speaking its mind. Think of India’s consistent and vocal criticism of apartheid in South Africa — not least when Western democracies were mealy-mouthed on the issue. Rather, India’s stance on Burma reflects both its better understanding of the problem and its realpolitik calculations. The latter, however, seem to be based on questionable assumptions. And there is scope to finetune and bring them in sync with our democratic identity and values.

The dominant Western narrative about Burma is of a struggle dating back to the 1980s between forces of democracy led by Ms Suu Kyi and the repressive junta. This captures an important facet of the political context in Burma, but it is too simplistic and myopic. Any meaningful attempt towards a democratic transition will have to address a larger set of problems — issues that played a critical role in weakening democracy and tightening the junta’s grip in the first place. The country’s debilitating problems date back to World War ii. Some of the most difficult and brutal battles of the war were fought in Burma. The British decided that a war-ravaged Burma was not worth holding on to. By the end of 1946, they began to parley with the leader of the Burmese resistance forces, Aung San (father of Ms Suu Kyi). The following year tragedy struck, as Aung San and several members of his cabinet were murdered under circumstances that still remain obscure. Worse, by 1948 the situation in Burma had spiralled into a civil war.

The communist party was the first group to take up arms against the government. Soon, an Islamist insurgency erupted in the north of Arakan. Shortly thereafter, the Karens and Kachins of the highlands turned against the Rangoon government. A couple of years later, the Shans joined the ranks of rebelling tribes. These groups had enjoyed considerable autonomy under the British and feared that their standing would be eroded in a self-proclaimed Buddhist Burma. Some of the groups were rather well armed, having played a major role in the anti-Japanese resistance during World War ii. Others benefited from covert support by China and Thailand.

This anarchical situation resulted in gradual militarisation of the Burmese state. The military began to consume the largest slice of the financial pie and became by far the most powerful actor. Only in 1989 did the government begin to negotiate ceasefire accords. These have been concluded with 16 groups so far. But the underlying disputes are yet to be resolved. A broad attempt at national reconciliation will have to focus on these disputes as well as the demands of Ms Suu Kyi. Reacting to her release, foreign minister S.M. Krishna expressed hope that this would be “the beginning of the process of reconciliation in Burma”. But New Delhi can do more than simply hope for “an inclusive approach to political change”. It can certainly nudge the junta to move further and faster.

Part of the reason why India is unwilling to do so is its concern about China’s influence in Burma. China is its largest trading partner, supplying everything from military equipment to foodgrain. China’s involvement in a range of infrastructure projects has also been a matter of concern for India. These are seen as facilitating China’s access to the Indian Ocean. Yet New Delhi should not over-estimate China’s clout nor regard every Chinese move as detrimental to Indian interests. Historically, Burma’s relationship with China was rarely smooth. Although the two sides managed to resolve the boundary dispute, China continued to assist Burmese communists and insurgents. At the height of the Cultural Revolution, anti-Chinese riots erupted in Rangoon. It was only after 1989 that China and Burma grew closer, united by the international criticism of their human rights record.

Nevertheless, in the past few years the Sino-Burma honeymoon appears to have ended. The junta purge of 2004 and the dismantling of military intelligence network removed key Chinese contacts. The decision in November 2005 to relocate the capital to Naypyidaw took the Chinese by surprise. Beijing made its displeasure clear in January 2007, when its envoy told the UN Security Council that the problems in Burma were “quite serious”. Later that year, Beijing allowed the Security Council to issue a presidential statement critical of the junta. In the wake of Cyclone Nargis the following year, the Chinese urged the junta to cooperate with the UN.

New Delhi need not assume that a more forthright stance towards the junta will necessarily redound to Beijing’s advantage. Our Burma policy has to remain ahead of the trajectory of political developments inside that country. Let’s not forget the central feature of recent democratic transitions: before it happens every revolution seems impossible, but after it happens it seems inevitable. The challenge is to avoid being caught out by history.

- Srinath Raghavan is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/dc-comment/think-janata-not-junta-023

Now We Must All Stand With The Lady by Jared Gensen

2010-11-17T04:49:00.001-08:00

She hasn’t been able to talk to her supporters in over seven years. But two days ago, they gathered at the iron gates surrounding the decaying home that has been her prison for 15 of the past 21 years. As they cheered and cried, she said to them, “Thank you for welcoming me like this. We haven’t seen each other for so long, I have so much to tell you.”

Aung San Suu Kyi has been the face and heart of the democracy movement in Burma since the 1988 pro-democracy uprisings were brutally crushed by the military junta. “The Lady,” as she is affectionately known, has suffered in her home while the junta has so cruelly isolated her from the world. It has been her Buddhist faith, her almost supernatural inner strength, and her commitment to restore democracy to Burma that has carried her forward. To see her set free felt like the world was witnessing history – a moment of extraordinary joy and hope for the Burmese people and for people everywhere whose lives are held hostage by dictatorial regimes.

But, it’s only a moment. Today, the real work begins. The international community must not naively think that democracy will now come to Burma. Suu Kyi has been released from her illegal detentions before. And the junta only tightened its grip on power.

Now, Suu Kyi’s work of freeing her own people must begin anew. And the international community must redouble its efforts to support her and them. There are still some 2,200 other political prisoners in Burma. And beyond them, the junta has systematically and thoroughly repressed the fundamental human rights of the more than 50 million Burmese people. Freedom of expression and freedom of association are tightly controlled. The regime uses tens of thousands of child soldiers. Hundreds of thousands of people are regularly conscripted to perform forced labor. But most shocking is the junta’s brutal repression of its ethnic minority peoples. The junta has destroyed over 3,500 villages in a relentless scorched-earth campaign of killing, torture, and rape.

Perhaps contrary to the inclinations of those watching Burma from afar, the international community must now increase pressure on the Burmese junta—not reduce it. The world should celebrate Suu Kyi’s release. But her release did not happen because of a change of heart on the part of the junta leader Than Shwe. Instead, it is a sign of how confident he feels that his sham elections held a week ago have relegated her irrelevant to the future of the country. Make no mistake. This regime has been uncompromising and relentless in its drive to consolidate and make permanent its grip on power. Suu Kyi’s release is anything but a sign of flexibility.

What is required in Burma is national reconciliation between the junta, Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party, and ethnic leaders. Empowered by the UN Security Council, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon should immediately travel to Burma to initiate such a process. It must be the Secretary-General himself because there have been more than 40 visits by lower-level UN envoys to Burma in the last two decades that have not achieved any significant concession from the regime. Suu Kyi’s last release in 2002 was, in part, a result of the UN-led initiative to persuade the junta to participate in such a dialogue. Than Shwe, however, later refused to participate. For any process to work, it must therefore have benchmarks, deadlines, and consequences for those parties which obstruct progress.

To get the junta to the negotiating table, the international community must impose legal, political, and economic pressure on the military junta. The UN must follow the recommendation of its own Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma and establish a commission of inquiry into the junta’s perpetration of war crimes and crimes against humanity against the people of Burma. The United Kingdom, United States, and a dozen other countries have embraced this call to action. Ultimately, it will be for the Burmese people to decide how they wish to achieve justice and accountability. But initiating such a process will send a clear message to the ranks of the military that if they do not resolve the situation through negotiation, accountability may be externally imposed.

Furthermore, the current regime of economic sanctions against the junta is toothless and so poorly implemented that it is little more than symbolic. Not only should sanctions name the junta’s bankers in Singapore and Dubai and deny them access to global markets, but the UN Security Council should be urged to enact a global arms embargo to deny the regime the weapons it uses to repress its own people.

I harbor no illusions about the difficulty of implementing such a challenging agenda. But now, more than ever, the international community must rally around Aung San Suu Kyi and her people. Although she is finally free from her house arrest, the people of Burma are not free so long as the military junta remains in power. We must take to heart what Suu Kyi has so powerfully pleaded, “Please use your liberty to promote ours.”

Aung San Suu Kyi has so much to share with her people. And her people have so much to tell her. I can only hope that the world’s leaders have just as much to tell the junta.

Jared Genser is president of Freedom Now, a campaign group that advocates for the release of political prisoners, and served for four years as international counsel to Aung San Suu Kyi as retained by a member of her family. The views expressed here are his own.

The future of Myanmar and ASEAN after the elections

2010-11-17T04:46:00.002-08:00

Bambang Hartadi Nugroho, Jakarta | Tue, 11/16/2010 9:54 AM | Opinion
A | A | A |

The Nov. 7 general election in Myanmar has become a cause for concern for many, with critics calling it undemocratic, because it prohibited the leading opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), from contesting.

The military junta went farther by keeping NLD leader and Nobel laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, together with many of her colleagues in custody. The only significant opposition party allowed to put up its candidates was the National Democratic Force (NDF) with only 164 candidates, compared to the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) and the National Unity Party (NUP) with 1,112 and 995 candidates respectively. Moreover, the Constitution of 2008 mandates that 25 percent of the seats in the parliament should go to military appointees in any case.

The outcome of the election announced Wednesday saw the USDP win by landslide, with around 80 percent of the available seats in the parliament. This result, however, was not unpredictable given the composition of the parties allowed to stand.

From the beginning, the junta had designed the poll to maintain the status quo and hold on power regardless of mounting criticism from across the world. Thus, it is hard to imagine there will be a significant change in the domestic situation in Myanmar.

The question now is how this election result will impact on the future of Myanmar and its people, including the opposition and ethnic minorities, and on the future of ASEAN as the main regional actor that has constantly been defending Myanmar from external pressure, although lately ASEAN also has shown signs of impatience towards the slowness of change in its youngest member.

The Burmese government finally released Suu Kyi on Nov. 13 as planned, around a week after the election. However, based on previous experiences, there is no real guarantee that the junta will keep its promise. And even if she really is freed, there are doubts she can do much under the current situation and in the future.

Some believe Suu Kyi still has a chance to gain support from Burmese people as she did soon after her release in 2002, when she held rallies all around the country and made speeches in front of her supporters. However, in terms of political movement, it is unwise to rely solely on charisma and influence, because it is going to take a lot more than that to push for political reforms.

This effort will even be tougher assuming that the junta will not be kind enough to simply let Suu Kyi and her colleagues to stage anti-government rallies, especially now that the junta can claim to have secured a mandate from the people.

For the ethnic minorities that account for approximately 30 percent of Myanmar population, there is a little hope the election will bring any changes to their fate. Historically, the military regime has always been discriminatory against ethnic minorities such as the Karen and Rohingya.

In a wider context, the result of this poll can affect the development of ASEAN cooperation. It would be exaggerating to say that the future of ASEAN will be determined by what happens in Myanmar, but we must admit that problems in the Indochinese sub-region could probably impact negatively on ASEAN.

From the beginning, ASEAN has always rejected the western approach towards these issues, which focus on pushing agendas through political and economic sanctions.

Through its “constructive engagement” approach, ASEAN has tried to engage Myanmar since the early 1990s by building economic cooperation, while at the same time trying to counter pressures from the US and Europe. SEAN believed that by engaging Myanmar, it would be able to exercise influence to persuade the junta to adopt political reform. However, recent developments indicated that this belief did not hold true.

Of course ASEAN’s future development does not depend solely on the issue of Myanmar, but Myanmar has become and will remain an unsolved matter for ASEAN if it insists on the principle of non-interference, which has justified its non-action against Myanmar.

Some ASEAN members have, to some extent, violated this principle, including Indonesia which recently suggested that the junta should have allowed media coverage on the election process to ensure its fairness and impartiality. Yet, that was the most they could do: They commented only on individual basis, unable to use a stronger and more formal institutional mechanism to put pressure on Myanmar.

Evidently, ASEAN has lost very precious momentum to push Myanmar to reform itself.

Finally, the issue of democratization in Myanmar is vital for ASEAN not only to rebuild its reputation — after being heavily criticized for protecting the military regime — but more than that, it is also important in order to strengthen political and regional security cooperation.

ASEAN states have set the common goal of creating a Political and Security Community by 2015, in which one of the strongpoints is to promote democracy and the protection of human rights within the region.

That is why the need to encourage Myanmar to carry out political reform is vital to ASEAN.

Nevertheless, the group has failed to do so, and they will have to wait — if unable to create—new momentum in the future to mount pressure on Myanmar.

Hopefully, when the new momentum comes, ASEAN will be able to maximize it, for the sake of Burmese citizens, and for the sake of ASEAN’s institutional development.

The writer is assistant lecturer at the Department of International Relations, University of Indonesia.

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/11/16/the-future-myanmar-and-asean-after-elections.html

Myanmar's Suu Kyi seeks to revive political party

2010-11-17T04:46:00.001-08:00

November 16, 2010 12:00 AM

YANGON, Myanmar — Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi began the nuts and bolts work of reviving her political movement Monday, consulting lawyers about having her now-disbanded party declared legal again.

Suu Kyi was released over the weekend from 7½ years in detention. On Sunday, she told thousands of wildly cheering supporters at the headquarters of her National League for Democracy that she would continue to fight for human rights and the rule of law in the military-controlled nation.

The 65-year-old Nobel Peace laureate must balance the expectations of the country's pro-democracy movement with the realities of freedom that could be withdrawn any time by the regime. Although her party is officially dissolved, it has continued operating with the same structure. But without official recognition, it is in legal limbo, leaving it — and her — vulnerable to government crackdowns.

The junta recently staged Myanmar's first elections in 20 years, and in a step that will blunt some of the long-standing international criticism of its conduct, released Suu Kyi a week later. Having made those ostensible moves toward democratization after five decades of military rule, it is unlikely to make more concessions — like restoring the NLD's legal status — without getting something back from Suu Kyi and her party, such as dropping opposition to Western sanctions.

Suu Kyi, who has been detained for 15 of the past 21 years, has indicated she would continue with her political activity but not whether she would challenge the military with mass rallies and other activities. She has been noncommittal on sanctions, saying that she would support lifting them if the people of Myanmar provided strong justification for doing so.

In an interview Monday with the BBC, Suu Kyi said she sought "a nonviolent revolution" and offered some reassuring words for the military.

"I don't want to see the military falling. I want to see the military rising to dignified heights of professionalism and true patriotism," she said.

The British-educated Suu Kyi also said she did not fear being detained again.

"I'm not scared," she said. "I know that there is always a possibility, of course. They've done it back in the past, they might do it again."

Nyan Win, who is her lawyer as well as a party spokesman, said Suu Kyi met with her lawyers Monday morning and also party officials from areas outside Yangon who have been keeping her political network alive during years of repression.

He said Myanmar's High Court this Thursday will hold a hearing to decide whether to accept a case from Suu Kyi arguing that her party's dissolution "is not in accordance with the law." The party was disbanded earlier this year under a new law because it failed to reregister for Nov. 7 elections, complaining conditions set by the junta were unfair and undemocratic.

Suu Kyi's side says the new Election Commission has no right to deregister parties that were registered under a different Election Commission in 1990. The party also contends that the court is legally bound to hear their case.

Full results from this month's elections have yet to be released, but figures so far give a military-backed party a solid majority in both houses of parliament.

In London, British Prime Minister David Cameron told the House of Commons he talked to Suu Kyi by telephone on Monday morning.

"Her tenacity and courage in the face of injustice has been truly inspiring. I spoke to her this morning to pass on the congratulations of everyone in the country on her release and her remarkable stand on democracy and human rights," Cameron told lawmakers. "We must now work to ensure that her release is followed by freedom for more than 2,000 other political prisoners."

Many observers have questioned whether her release on Saturday was timed by the junta to distract the world's attention from the polls, decried by Western nations as a sham designed to perpetuate control by the military which has ruled Myanmar, also known as Burma, since 1962.

The NLD won 1990 elections by a large margin but the regime barred it from taking power.

Nyan Win said Suu Kyi's lawyers are also pursuing a separate legal case against the junta, involving an appeal to the Human Rights Council, a U.N. body, over her latest 18-month sentence of house arrest which has just ended.

Suu Kyi was convicted of violating conditions of a previous term of house arrest by briefly sheltering an uninvited American who swam to her home. Her legal team argues that the ruling — also applied to two women companions living with Suu Kyi — was illegal and unlawful as it was based on the 1974 Constitution, which was abrogated in 1988.

Since Myanmar's Special Appellate Bench on Nov. 11 turned down an appeal to overturn lower court decisions in that case, Suu Kyi's lawyers are taking her case to the U.N. council.

Although the junta often seems to defy critical international opinion, it has shown sensitivity to pressure from U.N. organizations. Past condemnation by the U.N.'s International Labor Organization over the junta's use of forced labor led to the opening of a special U.N. office in Yangon to hear workers' complaints.

http://www.southcoasttoday.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20101116/NEWS02/11160339/-1/NEWSMAP

Myanmar people overjoyed but worry about Suu Kyi

2010-11-17T04:45:00.001-08:00

YANGON (Reuters) - The release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is still being celebrated in Myanmar but fears about her safety or re-arrest are running high among her adoring supporters.

The Nobel laureate and daughter of the country's independence hero was released on Saturday after seven years in detention but many are concerned her freedom could be short-lived if the country's oppressive army rulers decide to wield their power.

"I'm very worried about her security," said Soe Myint, a taxi driver in Myanmar's biggest city, Yangon.

"If something happens to her, they will be responsible for this," he added, referring to the army regime that has ruled the former British colony for 48 years.

In a country where distrust of the military runs deep, her supporters would have every reason to be concerned.

Suu Kyi's motorcade was attacked in May 2003 by pro-junta thugs in the town of Depayin while on a countryside tour. She was placed back under house arrest, which the regime called "protective custody."

Suu Kyi has spent 15 of the past 21 years in some form of detention because of her fight against military dictatorship in Myanmar and there is little doubt the junta sees her as the biggest threat to its power.

"The Depayin incident is still haunting us," said Hla Thein, a retired teacher. "To be honest, I doubt we can expect any meaningful changes following her release but we are all worried about her."

Suu Kyi has twice been freed and twice re-arrested since she was first placed in detention in July 1989 for "endangering the state."

TRUMPED UP CHARGES

In May last year, Suu Kyi was weeks away from the expiry of a term of house arrest when American intruder John Yettaw swam to her lakeside home saying God had sent him to warn her terrorists would try to assassinate her.

She allowed the intruder to stay for two nights and as a result was given an 18-month extension to her term for breaking a law protecting the state against "subversive elements."

Critics said the charges were trumped up to sideline her from politics. Some of her supporters fear something similar could happen again.

"To my great relief, another John Yettaw did not show up before she was released," added taxi driver Soe Myint. "I thought the military would create some reason to extend her house arrest." Suu Kyi was greeted by thousands of her supporters when she was released on Saturday and she appears not to have lost her charisma and mesmerizing influence on the people. Although she will play no official political role following a November 7 election boycotted by her party and won convincingly by a pro-military party, few think she will fade from the spotlight.

Her supporters expect her to push for reforms and freedoms but know there are limits to how much she can do in a country tightly controlled by the military and governed by a new constitution critics say was designed to keep Suu Kyi at bay.

They are just happy to see her free.

"I don't think we can expect anything out of her release since it does not depend on her alone. I'm just happy to see her free," said Khin May, a retired bank clerk.

"I will be very glad if nothing happens to her. I hope she doesn't get arrested again."

Story & Photos Copyright 2010 Reuters

http://kgmi.com/Myanmar-people-overjoyed-but-worry-about-Suu-Kyi/8575454

Aung San Suu Kyi freed, but Burma taken hostage by the generals

2010-11-17T04:39:00.000-08:00

International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN-Burma)
Burma Lawyers' Council (BLC)
Joint Press Release

Paris-Bangkok, 15 November 2010 - The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN-Burma), and the Burma Lawyers’ Council are pleased to see Daw Aung San Suu Kyi regain her freedom on 13 November after spending 15 of the last 21 years in detention in Burma.

FIDH, ALTSEAN-Burma and BLC assert that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s detention was arbitrary and unlawful, as is the detention of all other political prisoners in Burma. The organisations therefore demand their immediate and unconditional release and the full restoration of their civil and political rights. Their release will be a crucial first step towards genuine national reconciliation. FIDH, ALTSEAN-Burma and BLC further demand that the prior convictions of these political prisoners be overturned and that redress be provided to them and their families for the physical and psychological suffering resulting from the deprivation of their fundamental rights.

While Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s release is technically unconditional, it remains to be seen whether she will be able to fully exercise her fundamental rights and freedoms, including her right to participate in political activities. It is to be remembered that the junta considerably restricted her freedom of movement following her previous releases from detention.

Suu Kyi’s release came six days after the 7 November general elections which violated internationally accepted standards. Not satisfied with the pro-military provisions of the 2008 Constitution and the repressive election laws and decrees, the Burmese junta perpetrated blatant electoral frauds by intimidating and manipulating voters to ensure a landslide victory for their proxy parties.

The oppressive and exclusive elections and the provisions of the 2008 Constitution have placed Burma in grave danger of a serious intensification of its long-running internal conflicts. Such an increase in violence will almost certainly be accompanied by a spike in serious international crimes. The post-election clash between Burmese troops and a splinter group of the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), which drove as many as 20,000 people across the border to Thailand, as well as military clashes in Shan State is a sign that the general elections and their results are aggravating the root causes of conflict in Burma. This is why the international community must renew its efforts to work with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to ensure that the peoples of Burma are free.

“While Suu Kyi is freed, her country has effectively been taken hostage by the SPDC generals who designed the fraudulent 7 November elections to extend their illegitimate hold on power,” said Souhayr Belhassen, FIDH President. “The message from the international community must be unequivocal and steadfast at this critical juncture: the SPDC and the next military-dominated regime must cease all human rights abuses, hold perpetrators to account, and commit to a process of inclusive and transparent dialogue with all stakeholders in order to enable a genuine transition to democracy and national reconciliation.”

“The release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be unconditional and she must be allowed to contribute meaningfully to the process of national reconciliation and the democratic transition of Burma. This must include a fundamental review of the 2008 Constitution, which entirely fails to guarantee peace and stability to civilians,” said U Thein Oo, Chairman of BLC.

“The international community should not be complacent now that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is free. The regime stole an election last week, 2,200 people continue to be arbitrarily detained as political prisoners, ethnic nationality communities continue to be threatened by serious international crimes and escalating conflict. The entire country remains hostage to impunity. Burma needs concrete action now,” insisted Debbie Stothard, Altsean-Burma Coordinator, and FIDH Deputy Secretary-General.

Aung San Suu Kyi: Burma's National Leader by Aung Zaw

2010-11-15T14:25:00.000-08:00

Burma's Nobel peace laureate and democratic leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, is free at last. Her release will no doubt raise hopes and expectations. She is not just the leader of her own party, the National League for Democracy; Aung San Suu Kyi is also regarded as the national leader in Burma.

Aung Zaw is founder and editor of the Irrawaddy magazine. He can be reached at aungzaw@irrawaddy.org.
In her absence, critics inside and outside of Burma privately or openly questioned her relevance and popularity, suggesting that she no longer represented a majority of Burmese people. They were wrong.
Britain's Rangoon ambassador, Andrew Heyn, has the answer: "As for her relevance, all the evidence points to a regime that still fears that she is very relevant." Burma's oppressed citizens have not forgotten her.

Since the news of her imminent release reached residents in Rangoon, many Burmese, including the younger generations who have never seen her in person, bravely flocked into her party headquarters to show support and walked to her lakeside house, chanting and waiting for her release in spite of the presence of the troops and riot police. The question now is how she will confront challenges and the new political landscape in her country.

The political challenges that Aung San Suu Kyi will face will be very much different from what she encountered during the two previous times she was freed from house arrest, the first in July 1995 and the second in May 2002.

The regime has just held a general election and rigged the votes and will soon claim "victory" with an improbable 80% of the vote. The regime will form a new government and convene parliament. But Aung San Suu Kyi won't be sitting there. So the generals may think they have sidelined her effectively. This calculation could be wrong.

Burma's sullen military leaders have taken a political risk to free the immensely popular democracy leader, but they might have also thought that, since they are in full control of the situation in the country and secured their role in future politics, her freedom was a risk worth taking. However, Aung San Suu Kyi could remain a thorn in the side of the regime.

Despite its views and values, the government of Burma has no shortage of friends around. The Association of South East Asian Nations (Asean) said the election was a "significant step forward". Asean's Vietnamese chair said in a statement published by the Vietnamese state media on Tuesday: "Asean encourages Myanmar [Burma] to continue to accelerate the process of national reconciliation and democratisation for stability and development in the country." China offered full backing to the election.

Aung San Suu Kyi's non-violence struggle also won friends and admirers around the world and she remains a symbol of democratic struggle in Burma. She has been asking her captors to have a meaningful political dialogue, but the past meetings between the regime leaders and Aung San Suu Kyi have reached nowhere. Instead she has been locked in and locked out again and again.

It is believed that Aung San Suu Kyi will continue to call for political dialogue; she will also call for the regime to free more than 2,000 political prisoners who remain behind bars.

More importantly, she will play a pivotal role in reconciling and restoring the unity of ethnic nationalities. Indeed, prior to her release Aung San Suu Kyi was interested in the second Panglong Conference—the first one was held in 1947, a year before the country regained its independence from Britain. At the conference, led by her father, several ethnic leaders formed a united front for independence. Since Aung San Suu Kyi can win the trust of the divided ethnic nationalities in Burma, the second Panglong Conference is as important as the first. The question is whether the regime will allow it to take place.

Aung San Suu Kyi wants to find a way to lift the international economic sanctions and is in favour of international humanitarian aid going into Burma and border regions. However, the question is how the regime will react to her olive branch.

Lastly, her supporters and party members have also expressed great concern for her safety. They know that the regime will remain unfriendly to Aung San Suu Kyi in spite of the release—this is not a gesture of goodwill from the regime, who have cooked up several charges against her in the past to lock her up.

What they don't want is for her to be Burma's Benazir Bhutto.
(This article appears on London-based newspaper Guardian on Saturday.)

EL ROL DE SUU KYI-

2010-11-15T14:24:00.001-08:00

What Role Could Suu Kyi Play?

BANGKOK — Aung San Suu Kyi is burdened by huge expectations. Despite the international backing and massive show of domestic support for her, the reality is in Burma is very little she can do to challenge the military's monopoly on politics, the economy and judiciary, Reuters reports. For details, see: http://in.reuters.com/article/idINIndia-52918320101115?pageNumber=1

COMUNICADO DE AMNISTIA INTERNACIONAL

2010-11-15T14:21:00.000-08:00

¡Aung San Suu Kyi ya está en libertad! La Premio Nobel de la Paz, cofundadora del principal partido de la oposición en Myanmar - la Liga Nacional para la Democracia -, ha sido puesta en libertad después de pasar más de 15 de los últimos 21 años detenida.

Su liberación es una buenísima noticia, pero es también un recordatorio de la represión en Myanmar, donde más de 2.200 personas siguen encarceladas por motivos políticos.

Lo que diferencia a esas personas de Aung San Suu Kyi es que no han conseguido el Premio Nobel de la Paz y que no son conocidas. Lo que les hace iguales es su valentía, el riesgo que corren y nuestro empeño por sacarlas de la cárcel.

En Amnistía Internacional, llevamos más de 20 años exigiendo respeto por los derechos humanos en Myanmar. Ahora que Aung San Suu Kyi puede por fin disfrutar de su libertad, tu apoyo es imprescindible para que miles de personas desconocidas puedan correr la misma suerte Aung San Suu Kyi. Sólo con tu apoyo y el de las miles de personas que formamos parte de Amnistía Internacional podremos conseguirlo.

En nombre de Aung San Suu Kyi y de todas las personas a las que trasmites esperanza: Muchas gracias por tu compromiso con los derechos humanos.

Esteban Beltrán
Director Amnistía Internacional – Sección Española

The Women’s League of Burma Welcomes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's Release And Demands Ongoing Action to Ensure Freedom for All of Burma

2010-11-15T14:19:00.001-08:00

The Women’s League of Burma (WLB) warmly welcomes Daw Aung San Suu Kyi back into active political and public life and we hope to soon celebrate the reinstatement of her inalienable rights, especially her freedom of movement. Though her release brings us joy and hope, we also clearly recognize that this alone does not fully ensure democratic progress for the country unless all political prisoners are released unconditionally.

In 1990, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won the country’s first election in decades by a landslide. The military regime did not honor the election result and she has been kept under house arrest for 15 of the last 20 years. Even while under house arrest, she has demonstrated unwavering and determined political leadership, provided inspiration and garnered respect from the people of Burma and democracy‐loving people around the world. The recent expression of public support leading up to her release shows that although she was kept out of the publics’ eye, she is always in their hearts. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is a true role model of the kind of leadership Burma is desperately yearning for; someone who can facilitate trust building, cooperation, dialogue, and progress.

WLB calls for her release to be unconditional but final and her security must be guaranteed. Though her liberty rekindles hope, the SPDC must meet other essential benchmarks of democratic progress. She is one of many political prisoners, and one of millions of women in Burma struggling against military rule.

The recent election is a clear example that the military regime's focus is to ensure power through all methods of manipulation and control, and this election must not be recognized. The military regime's ongoing attacks against civilians, even in recent days, are a clear sign they do not mean to bring peace to the country and this is unallowable. We urged the SPDC to cease all hostilities and stop fighting in the ethnic areas. The international community must continue to firmly call for the release of all political prisoners, an end to crimes against humanity, and genuine national reconciliation with effective action until the SPDC response the calls.

WLB believes that all women in Burma will continue to face injustice and violence as long as the junta is holding on to power. Therefore, we urge all the people of Burma to work together and rise up using peaceful means to end the military dictatorship in Burma.

WLB honors Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for her tireless work in pursuit of democracy in Burma and will continue to work alongside her until our mutual aims are achieved.

EL PODER POLITICO DE LA DAMA BIRMANA por Benedict Rogers

2010-11-15T14:13:00.000-08:00

The Lady’ retains potent political role

By Benedict Rogers |
Originally appeared in Mizzima News

Tomorrow, Aung San Suu Kyi will have spent a total of 15 years and 20 days in detention. Under Burmese law, she should be released, and it is looking increasingly likely that she will be. Although the regime has a poor track record of keeping its word or upholding its own laws, the regime will want to divert attention away from last Sunday’s sham elections which perpetuate military rule, and give the international community a fig leaf.

The regime has played it well from their point of view – legally they should have released her when her period of house arrest expired last year, but then, conveniently, American Mormon John Yettaw came to the junta’s aid, swam across the lake, and landed Suu Kyi with three years’ hard labour. In an act designed to appear compassionate, Than Shwe reduced this to 18 months’ house arrest – conveniently timing her release for six days after the sham elections.

On paper, Suu Kyi appears to have been sidelined from Burmese politics. The new constitution prohibits her from running in elections, and the election laws required political parties contesting the elections to expel any prisoners among their members. Unsurprisingly, her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), could not expel their leader, a Nobel Peace laureate and a most powerful symbol of the struggle for freedom in Burma, and so the NLD boycotted the polls and was banned as a party by the regime.

In reality, however, Suu Kyi retains the most extraordinarily potent political role. She is as central and relevant to Burma’s politics as ever. No one else has the capacity to inspire, mobilise and unite people. On my visits to Burma in recent years, ordinary people of all generations have spoken with immense respect and affection for “The Lady”. This year, I stood on one side of Inya Lake and looked straight across at the dilapidated house in which she had been confined for most of the past two decades.

The few people who have been able to meet her in recent years, particularly British Ambassador Andrew Heyn, have spoken of her continuing physical and mental energy and total commitment to her country’s struggle. Among the ethnic nationalities, she is the only Burman whom people speak of with genuine love and respect. Indeed, to those who say she is no longer relevant, I would ask: well then why has the regime kept her locked up for all these years?

If she steps out from her house in the next few hours, it will be as visually momentous as Nelson Mandela’s walk out of prison in South Africa. There is, however, one key difference. Mandela was freed because South Africa’s apartheid regime was crumbling, and F.W. de Klerk knew he had to reform. He engaged with Mandela to chart a peaceful transition to democracy, and Mandela’s release was part of a process of change. Mandela and de Klerk worked hand-in-hand. In Burma, if the generals have their way, there will be no change.

That is why it is essential that the international community make it clear that Suu Kyi’s release, while welcome, is by itself no measure of progress. She herself said when she was last released in 2002: “My release should not be looked at as a major breakthrough for democracy. For all people in Burma to enjoy basic freedom – that would be the major breakthrough.”

Pressure must be increased on the regime to seize the moment of her release, and engage in a genuine dialogue with her, the democracy movement and the ethnic nationalities. If it wants to show it is serious, the regime must release the more than 2,100 political prisoners currently in jail, including Min Ko Naing, Ko Mya Aye, Ko Ko Gyi and Hkun Htun Oo. The military must declare a nationwide ceasefire, and end its offensives against ethnic civilians. Rape, forced labour, torture, the forcible recruitment of child soldiers and the destruction of villages must stop.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon must deploy all the resources available to him to revive a UN-led initiative to encourage dialogue in Burma. Dialogue is the one policy that unites everyone. The UN Security Council, General Assembly, Human Rights Council and office of the Secretary General; the European Union, the United States, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and even China, have called for dialogue. Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationalities have both indicated their readiness to talk – indeed, dialogue and national reconciliation is the centrepiece of their platform.

The alternative to dialogue is continued, perhaps increased ethnic conflict and political instability. That is the regime’s choice. Its record does not inspire hope, but with targeted high-level pressure from the international community led by Ban Ki-moon, if Suu Kyi is freed, there is an opportunity to be seized. Last Sunday’s elections failed to bring about Burma’s freedom – but let this Sunday mark a new dawn for Burma.

AUNG SAN SUU KYI FREE

2010-11-15T14:12:00.001-08:00

* We are happy today because she is free. Let's help her now to bring freedom back for 55 million of enslaved and oppressed Burmese.
And watch this video:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vdtMNl7ynkg

(why are they afraid of Aung San Suu Kyi ?)

* Nos alegramos hoy de que ella sea libre; ayudémosla ahora a devolver la libertad a 55 millnes de birmanos esclavizados y oprimidos.
Mirad este video

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vdtMNl7ynkg

* Ens alegrem de que ella avui sigui lliure; ajudem-la ara a tornar la llibertat a 55 milions de Birmans esclavitzats i oprimits.
Mireu aquest video:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vdtMNl7ynkg

* Nous sommes heureux aujourd'hui, pace que elle est libre: Aidons-le maintenant a rendre la liberté a 55 milions de Birmans opprimés
Regardez ce video:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vdtMNl7ynkg

Friendly regards /Saludos cordiales / Cordialment vostre! Avec mes amitiés

BIRMANIA EL CORAJE DE RESISTIR: PARTE IV

2010-11-13T05:39:00.000-08:00

MIRA ESTA VIDEO

BIRMANIA EL CORAJE DE RESISTIR: PARTE III

2010-11-13T04:52:00.000-08:00

MIRA ESTE VIDEO

BIRMANIA EL CORAJE DE RESISTIR: PARTE II

2010-11-13T04:50:00.000-08:00

MIRA ESTE VIDEO

BIRMANIA EL CORAJE DE RESISTIR: PARTE I

2010-11-13T04:39:00.000-08:00

MIRA ESTE VIDEO

EL PRECIO DE LA NOVIOLENCIA Y DE PONER TU LIBERTAD AL SERVICIO DE LOS OTROS

2010-11-12T12:28:00.000-08:00

La noviolencia tiene un precio personal muy alto: por eso muchos activistas optan por lineas mas cercanas a ir contra que no querer devolver el golpe.

En un mundo tremendamente violento, donde recibimos mas ataques que premios, como puede ser que todavia queden lideres como Suu Kyi que defiendan ese revolucionario argumento de la noviolencia y la compasion. Muchas culturas defiende la revolucion mediante la creacion de formulas de opresion( political, judicial, mediatica, estatal,...) La noviolencia es tan revolucionaria que muchos de estos supuestos revolucionarios la rechazan siquiera como alternativa

Para responder al porque de esta cuestion, debemos mirar un poco al pasado, y preguntarnos como los lideres politicos como Gandhi, Mandela, Dalai Lama, Lech Walessa o el propio Jesus, utilizaron el concepto combinado de Fuerza y Verdad como el metodo mas seguro para provocar un cambio social; antagonista de la persuasion ignorante y carcelaria de los totalitarios.... el objetivo no es convencer al adversario, ni subyugarle, ni difamarle, ni golpearle.... es simplemente trabajarse uno mismo para poder provocar un cambio en el otro.

La violencia es una energia, fuerza, pensamiento o patron interno que los seres humanos llevamos en nuestro programa interno que debe ser modificado... Martin Luther King definia en " Cartas desde la Cárcel de Birmingham" los cuatro pasos fundamentales en cualquier campaña noviolenta:

- demuestra que la injusticia existe
- intenta negociar con tu oponente por todos los medios no abuses del poder aunque te asista la razón
- purifica tu mente, tu cuerpo y palabra
- actua pro-activa y noviolentamente contra la injusticia

¿Estarias tu dispuesto a pagar el precio de la noviolencia? ¿ Estarias dispuesto a poner tu libertad al servicio de otros? ¿ Estarias dispuesto a aguantar golpes inaguantables y pagar el precio personal que conlleva no utilizar los metodos violentos?... ¿Estarias dispuesto a estar preso injustamente como hizo Suu Kyi, Gandhi o Mandela?...

La respuesta es que muy pocos lo estan, porque implica un alto grado en la evolucion de la conciencia personal y un cambio en la politica de este planeta y lo mas facil es tirar por el camino andado de usar la fuerza.

Como nunca es tarde para cambiar, no useis la violencia contra nadie, necesitamos re-existir a este sistema violento. Cuanto más useis la violencia y metodos violentos, mas violentos os volvereis. No podemos mantener la paz con division. Realmente la alternativa es la noviolencia.

SUU KYI, INCANSABLE LUCHADORA PACIFICA Y UNA AMENAZA PARA LA JUNTA BIRMANA

2010-11-12T12:23:00.000-08:00

Su frágil figura es el símbolo desde hace 20 años de la resistencia a la junta militar en Birmania, pero la líder de la oposición y Premio Nobel de la Paz Aung San Suu Kyi, a punto de ser liberada, es también una figura aislada tras siete años bajo arresto domiciliario.

Aung San Suu Kyi, de 65 años, que ha pasado la mayor parte de los últimos 20 años en la cárcel o bajo arresto domiciliario, es una incansable luchadora pacífica desde 1988 por instaurar la democracia en su país.

Suu Kyi es apodada 'La Dama de Rangún' y a menudo comparada con Nelson Mandela, que logró llegar al poder tras pasar 27 años en las cárceles sudafricanas.

Pero la fortaleza de la junta birmana y la disolución del partido de la disidente, la Liga Nacional para la Democracia (LND), que boicoteó las elecciones del domingo pasado, parecen alejarla del poder en un futuro inmediato.

El 27 de mayo de 1990, el partido de Suu Kyi arrasó en las elecciones legislativas, pero la junta se negó entonces a admitir su derrota. Veinte años más tarde, aquellos resultados nunca fueron reconocidos y en las elecciones legislativas del pasado domingo -calificados de mascarada por Occidente-, la junta militar proclamó una victoria aplastante.

Sin embargo, "nadie puede ignorar el peso político e ideológico (de Aung San Suu Kyi). Ella y su partido (...) han creado una dinámica política. Gracias a ella, se habla ahora de derechos humanos, de libertados civiles o de democracia en Birmania" según Renaud Egreteau, politólogo de la universidad de Hong Kong.

Nacida en 1945, Suu Kyi, cuyo combate infatigable fue recompensado en 1991 con el Premio Nobel de la Paz, es hija del héroe de la independencia birmana, el general Aung San, asesinado cuando ella tenía dos años.

Fue educada en las mejores escuelas de Rangún y continuó sus estudios en India, donde su madre fue nombrada embajadora en 1960, y en Oxford, en el sur de Gran Bretaña. En 1972, se casó con el británico Michael Aris, un especialista en Tíbet, con quien tuvo dos hijos.

De regreso a Birmania, en abril de 1988, cuando su madre estaba muriendo, Aung San Suu Kyi habló en público por primera vez en agosto de ese año y pasó a formar parte del movimiento de oposición que hizo tambalear el poder militar.

Durante los disturbios de agosto y septiembre de 1988, reprimidos de forma sangrienta, cofundó la LND, que se convirtió en el principal partido de oposición.

Suu Kyi fue confinada de 1989 a 1995, y luego disfrutó de su 'libertad' hasta el año 2000, cuando volvió a ser obligada a permanecer en su casa de Rangún durante 19 meses. Tras una nueva liberación de un año que le permitió tomar conciencia de su inmensa popularidad, la cual alarmó al gobierno militar, fue detenida en mayo de 2003 y puesta bajo vigilancia.

La violenta represión a finales de 2007 de un movimiento prodemocrático pacífico liderado por monjes budistas llevó a la líder opositora a anunciar, a través de un emisario de la ONU, que "por el interés de la nación", estaba "dispuesta a cooperar" con los militares en un nuevo proceso de diálogo. Pero en enero de 2008, informó de que dicho proceso "desprovisto de un calendario" no conducía a nada.

En agosto de 2009, fue condenada a una pena de 18 meses de arresto domiciliario. Ante esta situación, la LND tuvo que elegir entre excluirla de la formación o disolverse y decidió boicotear los comicios del domingo pasado.

KIM ARIS , HIJO MENOR DE AUNG SAN SUU KYI, PIDE UNA VISA PARA ENTRAR EN BIRMANIA

2010-11-12T12:13:00.001-08:00

Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi will focus on international relations if she is released from house arrest, according to sources close to the National League for Democracy (NLD).

“She is expected to be released in the evening of November 12,” said the source on condition of anonymity. “After her release, she will mainly focus on diplomatic relations with foreign countries, both regional and around the world.”

Her release from an 18-month extension of detention expires Saturday. according to her lawyer Nyan Win.

Suu Kyi said that the country's problems over the past years associated with the junta have been well-founded, according to the source. This time, her politics will be to expand her relations within the international community and to bring democracy to Burma, he said.

She also plans to use her home only for her private life, not for political gatherings, said the source, adding that she intends to advise NLD party elders do likewise.

Now aged 65, Suu Kyi entered the political arena in Burma when she was 43. She has since struggled relentlessly for democratic change in the country. She has been detained under house arrest three times and has spent no less than 15 years in detention. After her release, she has no immediate plans to travel across the country, said the source.

News agency Reuters recently quoted her lawyer Nyan Win as saying that she will not accept any conditions imposed on her freedom after she is released.

Suu Kyi opposed the election held on Sunday and urged voters to exercise their right not to vote. Her party, the NLD, carried out a “No Vote” campaign throughout the pre-election period.

Observers said that the voter turnout was low in Sundays' general election, mainly due to two factors: Suu Kyi's call for the election boycott; and massive fraud by the junta in collecting advance votes before election day.

Meanwhile Kim Aris, 33, the youngest son of Suu Kyi, has applied for a visa to enter Burma. He last saw his mother more than 10 years ago.

In an interview in Bangkok on Monday, he said that he did not know if his mother would be released on Saturday. “They’re unpredictable—these people. We’ll see what they’ll do,” he said.

Kim said he would talk only about their family, “nothing political,” if he is allowed to visit her.

Suu Kyi's Release Will Raise Hope and Expectation By AUNG ZAW

2010-11-12T12:08:00.000-08:00

Will the regime free Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi soon?

Suu Kyi’s aides and her faithful followers believe so. They say the Nobel Peace Prize winner may be released from her latest term of house arrest this weekend. They also predict that after her release, Suu Kyi will mainly focus on diplomatic relations with foreign countries, both regional and around the world.

The pundits inside and outside Burma wonder whether the regime would dare to take the security risk of freeing Suu Kyi, with skeptics saying the regime could extend her detention. Plenty of charges against Suu Kyi could be cooked up, including her recent call to boycott Sunday's election, and enough excuses could be found for not freeing her. The final decision doubtless rests with junta leader Snr-Gen Than Shwe.

Suu Kyi's release would raise hope and expectation. The charismatic leader remains a political figurehead in Burmese politics—ethnic leaders who recently witnessed with concern the renewed fighting between junta forces and a Karen splinter group say that, like her father, independence hero Gen Aung San, she is the one who can reconcile Burma’s deep political and ethnic divisions.

To those who quietly or openly question her relevance in Burmese politics and her stance during her absence from the political scene, Britain's Rangoon ambassador Andrew Heyn has the answer: “As for her relevance, all the evidence points to a regime that still fears that she is very relevant.”

Many will certainly agree with his assessment. But they also want to hear what her next move is likely to be and her strategy to break the political stalemate. They await her stance on western sanctions, her opinion of Burma’s fixed election results, her policy on humanitarian assistance to Burma, foreign investment, the proposed commission of inquiry into crimes against humanity, and her views on the divided international approach toward Burma—particularly on China’s much-criticized policy position.

But why should the regime need to free Suu Kyi at this time?

One reason is Sunday's election, in which the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) claims to have won an improbable 80 percent of the vote.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) said the election was a “significant step forward.” Asean’s Vietnamese chair said in a statement published by the Vietnamese state media on Tuesday: “Asean encourages Myanmar [Burma] to continue to accelerate the process of national reconciliation and democratization for stability and development in the country.”

In other regional applause for the election, China's official Global Times said Bejing supported “Myanmar's plan to transform its political system, but knows it will not happen overnight.”

Opposition parties which contested the election were unhappy with the way it was held and threatened to boycott the outcome because of widespread fraud, a questionable practice of advance voting and other abuses. Twenty candidates of three of the parties that contested the election launched a nationwide action calling for a new vote, on the grounds that Sunday's polling was neither free nor fair.

Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy boycotted the election, is said to be interested in looking into the complaints of election fraud once she is free.

Ethnic armed groups and ethnic opposition parties will certainly be watching how Suu Kyi reacts to the conflict in ethnic regions and anticipating her important role in the national reconciliation process.

Many will be watching to see how Suu Kyi deals with the “new landscape” in Burma. There are hopes that Suu Kyi, now 65, will undertake her political moves carefully and cautiously.

Even if Than Shwe decides to pull the strings from behind the scenes, Suu Kyi will be encountering a new leadership. Suu Kyi can expect a new generation of army leaders who are tough and hardline, however, and who will not be too enthusiastic to see her tour Burma building up a democratic opposition.

But how will this new leadership react to Suu Kyi and the political potential she possesses? Or it will just be a vicious circle?

QUE DEBE ENFRENTAR AUNG SAN SUU KYI CUANDO SALGA

2010-11-12T12:07:00.001-08:00

Issues Suu Kyi Should Deal With by Editorial of Irrawaddy

Burma's democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi has spent 15 of the past 21 years in detention. Her latest period of house arrest, which began in May 2003, is due to end this weekend, and she is expected to re-engage in politics after her release. The Irrawaddy has identified six areas where her leadership could be instrumental in finding long-term solutions to political and cultural issues.

• The Junta: Suu Kyi has tried to seek a political dialogue with the junta to restore national reconciliation in the country, but that effort has failed during the past 20 years. The junta has refused to open a door for a genuine dialogue. For now, she should work to engage a broad participation of other stakeholders from the academic, social and economic sectors to seek a broad-based consensus for national reconciliation throughout the country.

• Political Prisoners: Despite her release, there are more than 2,100 political prisoners locked up in prisons across the country. The release of all political prisoners should be a priority when she resumes the leadership of the democratic movement.

• National Unity and Ethnic Armed Conflicts: She has already initiated the idea of holding “a second Panglong conference” to restore the unity of all ethnic nationals residing in the country, but she has not been able to effectively deal with the issues affecting the cease-fire and non-ceasefire ethnic groups in the past. The recent armed conflicts between the junta's troops and a splinter group of the cease-fire Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) in Karen State showed the need to end armed conflicts. She should focus on a dialogue with all ethnic groups, including the cease-fire armed groups, that leads to the creation of a second Panglong conference.

• Political Division: Political divisions have intensified due to the recent election. Democratic forces are divided into two political camps: those who boycotted the election and those who contested the election. As democratic leader, Suu Kyi should seek an opportunity to talk with both camps and try to reconcile their differences. She should first initiate a reunion of the NLD and the National Democratic Force (NDF), which broke away from the NLD. Moreover, unlike the political landscape before her detention in 2003, new political parties now exist. She must initiate a political strategy to include them in a reconciliation effort.

• The 2008 Constitution and the 2010 Election Results: The NLD rejected the Constitution as undemocratic. The Nov. 7 election held in accord with the Constitution was deeply flawed by the junta's vote rigging and violations of its own electoral laws. Suu Kyi should take this opportunity to form a broader political alliance to address Constitutional and parliamentary issues.

• Sanctions, Aid and the International Community: Suu Kyi has voiced her interest in finding a way to lift the international economic sanctions that affect the people and she has tried to extend her hand to the junta to cooperate in lifting the sanctions. After a review of all sanctions, she should work for their elimination, and work to formulate a clear policy on international humanitarian aid to Burma, and seek ways to broaden access to international aid programs that seek to work inside the country.

MILES ESPERAN LA SALIDA DE AUNG SAN SUU KYI

2010-11-12T11:58:00.000-08:00

The Irrawaddy

More than 200 journalists, diplomats and supporters continued to wait at 7 p.m. On Friday near the home of Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in anticipation of her release.

Nyan Win, Suu Kyi's lawyer, earlier said that she would not accept a conditional release and that her detention could no longer be extended since her sentence is due to expire at 7 p.m. Saturday.

Her release will come just a few days after the country's military regime held an election marred by reports of widespread vote rigging. Her deputy, Tin Oo, said that the release order has been already signed but she is more likely to be released on Saturday morning.

As news of her possible release spread, about 1,000 of her local supporters gathered at the NLD headquarters in Rangoon, and many supporters from other parts of the country began traveling to the former capital, Rangoon sources said.

Faced with widespread public resentment of the results of the Sunday elections which produced the landslide victory for the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), the regime is expected to impose restrictions on Suu Kyi's movements even if she is unconditionally released.

“The junta would surely attempt to restrict her [Suu Kyi's] movements so that she cannot reach out to the public and ethnic minority groups.” said Nyan Win. “ She would not accept such restrictions.”

This would, however, raise the possibility of a new round of confrontations between Suu Kyi and the country's military leaders. After being freed from house arrest in 2002, she faced a 2003 assassination attempt near Depayin.

Suu Kyi's NLD—which was officially disbanded for failing to register for this year's controversial election—boycotted the election, saying it was held under undemocratic conditions. In the 1990 election, the NLD won an overwhelming majority of the vote, but the junta officially nullified the results.

The National Democratic Force, an NLD splinter group comprised of former leading NLD members, participated in the polls and was roundly defeated by the junta-backed United Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which allegedly benefited from widespread vote rigging.

On Thursday, Burma's state media announced that the USDP has gained majorities in both houses of parliament.

Over the past 20 years, Suu Kyi has unsuccessfully called for dialogue with the military junta in an attempt to break the country's political deadlock. Observers question whether that call will remain relevant given that the election results have paved the way for continued military rule by members of the current junta, which will control the new parliament with a civilian facade.

The 65-year-old Nobel laureate has been released twice before in the 15 years of the past 21 that she has spent under house arrest.

In Aug. 2009, Suu Kyi's current period of detention was extended by 18 months over a bizarre incident in which an American swam uninvited to her lakeside home.

Despite Suu Kyi's expected release, the junta continues to detain more than 2,100 political prisoners, including prominent former student leaders who have been sentenced to up to 60 years imprisonment.

“We are expecting her clear leadership as all of us are confused and angry with the elections. We will see how she will cope with the illegal status of the party [NLD] and respond to the election results and the new government,” a Suu Kyi supporter in Rangoon said.

LA NLD PREPARA LA BIENVENIDA DE DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI- IRAWADDY

2010-11-12T11:55:00.000-08:00

The members of the National Leader for Democracy (NLD) cleaned the secretariat room in their headquarters on Thursday in preparation for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and her resumption of political leadership.

“We are all busy working to welcome Daw Suu back, preparing a secretariat room for her at party headquarters,” said Win Tin, secretary of the NLD and a close associate with Suu Kyi.

Suu Kyi is due to be released on Saturday (Nov.13), according to her lawyer Nyan Win. Meanwhile, the Burmese authorities have tightened the security in Rangoon.

Asked whether Suu Kyi will immediately re-engage in politics or focus more on humanitarian issues after her release, Win Tin said: “It is not my decision, but I believe she will focus on politics and we will also urge her to resume her leadership, especially when our country's politics is in a state of emergency.”

“Daw Suu is passionate to be involved in the humanitarian works that the NLD has been extending out at the grassroots level to help people since the aftermath of the cyclone Nargis. We are now getting momentum in this area and I personally want to urge her to restore her leadership that the people really want and need.”

Regarding her political stand on the junta, Win Tin said Suu Kyi has always kept the door open to dialogue with the junta and he believes she will remain open to such dialogue.

He even hoped her release would come today because the generals who believe in astrology may think the date 11/11 (Nov. 11) would be auspicious for her release. But a Rangoon resident said: “Nothing is certain, including her release, under military rule.”

LIBRE PERO NO SEGURA- LA COMUNIDAD INTERNACIONAL NO PUEDE FALLAR

2010-11-12T11:40:00.000-08:00

Si mañana Aung San Suu Kyi es finalmente liberada la Comunidad Internacional no puede cometer el mismo error que hizo en el pasado, interpretando este gesto como un signo de cambio por si mismo.
En el pasado ya se dió. La Comunidad Internacional y Naciones Unidas tienen que adoptar caminos mas positivos que materializen y garantizen el cambio positivo y la vida de la propia Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Si relajamos simplemente la presión a los generales, interpretaran que pueden hacer cualquier cosa bajo la minima presion.

La liberacion de DASSK es una oportunidad unica para iniciar el camino de un autentico dialogo con los generales. Durante michos años Naciones Unidas, ASEAN, USA y hasta China han intentado llevar a Birmania hacia un cambio politico basado en el dialogo tripartito: NLD, etnicas y generales. Este dialogo es la clave para una reconciliacion nacional y para garantizar la transicion hacia la democracia.

Cuando Naciones Unidas vuelva a visitar Birmania es importante que lo haga el propio Ban Ki- Moon ya que los enviados anteriores no tuvieron gran suerte. Las propirdades para este proceso de dialogo son : la segura liberacion de todos los presos politicos, el alto al fuego y el cese a las etnias por parte de los militares

En el pasado varias veces Aung San Suu Kyi fue liberada y despues engañada o hecha presa. Ella sabe perfectamente que su liberacion no es nada definitivo sin los miles de presos politicos libres.

AUNG SAN SUU KYI PUEDE ESTAR LIBRE MAÑANA

2010-11-12T11:38:00.000-08:00

‘The Lady’ retains inspiring, potent, uniting political role

Friday, 12 November 2010 22:32 Benedict Rogers

London – Tomorrow, Aung San Suu Kyi will have spent a total of 15 years and 20 days in detention. Under Burmese law, she should be released, and it is looking increasingly likely that she will be. Although the regime has a poor track record of keeping its word or upholding its own laws, the regime will want to divert attention away from last Sunday’s sham elections which perpetuate military rule, and give the international community a fig leaf.

The regime has played it well from their point of view – legally they should have released her when her period of house arrest expired last year, but then, conveniently, American Mormon John Yettaw came to the junta’s aid, swam across the lake, and landed Suu Kyi with three years’ hard labour. In an act designed to appear compassionate, Than Shwe reduced this to 18 months’ house arrest – conveniently timing her release for six days after the sham elections.

On paper, Suu Kyi appears to have been sidelined from Burmese politics. The new constitution prohibits her from running in elections, and the election laws required political parties contesting the elections to expel any prisoners among their members. Unsurprisingly, her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), could not expel their leader, a Nobel Peace laureate and a most powerful symbol of the struggle for freedom in Burma, and so the NLD boycotted the polls and was banned as a party by the regime.

In reality, however, Suu Kyi retains the most extraordinarily potent political role. She is as central and relevant to Burma’s politics as ever. No one else has the capacity to inspire, mobilise and unite people. On my visits to Burma in recent years, ordinary people of all generations have spoken with immense respect and affection for “The Lady”. This year, I stood on one side of Inya Lake and looked straight across at the dilapidated house in which she had been confined for most of the past two decades.

The few people who have been able to meet her in recent years, particularly British Ambassador Andrew Heyn, have spoken of her continuing physical and mental energy and total commitment to her country’s struggle. Among the ethnic nationalities, she is the only Burman whom people speak of with genuine love and respect. Indeed, to those who say she is no longer relevant, I would ask: well then why has the regime kept her locked up for all these years?

If she steps out from her house in the next few hours, it will be as visually momentous as Nelson Mandela’s walk out of prison in South Africa. There is, however, one key difference. Mandela was freed because South Africa’s apartheid regime was crumbling, and F.W. de Klerk knew he had to reform. He engaged with Mandela to chart a peaceful transition to democracy, and Mandela’s release was part of a process of change. Mandela and de Klerk worked hand-in-hand. In Burma, if the generals have their way, there will be no change.

A long-time National League for Democracy supporter awaits the release from house arrest today of Aung San Suu Kyi outside the NLD head office in Bahan Township, Rangoon. By early evening, leaders told those hoping to see Suu Kyi, after reports she would be released a day early, to come back tomorrow.

That is why it is essential that the international community make it clear that Suu Kyi’s release, while welcome, is by itself no measure of progress. She herself said when she was last released in 2002: “My release should not be looked at as a major breakthrough for democracy. For all people in Burma to enjoy basic freedom – that would be the major breakthrough.”

Pressure must be increased on the regime to seize the moment of her release, and engage in a genuine dialogue with her, the democracy movement and the ethnic nationalities. If it wants to show it is serious, the regime must release the more than 2,100 political prisoners currently in jail, including Min Ko Naing, Ko Mya Aye, Ko Ko Gyi and Hkun Htun Oo. The military must declare a nationwide ceasefire, and end its offensives against ethnic civilians. Rape, forced labour, torture, the forcible recruitment of child soldiers and the destruction of villages must stop.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon must deploy all the resources available to him to revive a UN-led initiative to encourage dialogue in Burma. Dialogue is the one policy that unites everyone. The UN Security Council, General Assembly, Human Rights Council and office of the Secretary General; the European Union, the United States, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) and even China, have called for dialogue. Suu Kyi and the ethnic nationalities have both indicated their readiness to talk – indeed, dialogue and national reconciliation is the centrepiece of their platform.

The alternative to dialogue is continued, perhaps increased ethnic conflict and political instability. That is the regime’s choice. Its record does not inspire hope, but with targeted high-level pressure from the international community led by Ban Ki-moon, if Suu Kyi is freed, there is an opportunity to be seized. Last Sunday’s elections failed to bring about Burma’s freedom – but let this Sunday mark a new dawn for Burma.

Benedict Rogers is a human rights activist working with Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW), a group based in London. He has made more than 30 visits to Burma and its borderlands, and is the author of Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant (Silkworm Books, 2010).

LO CREEREMOS CUANDO LO VEAMOS: LIBERACION DE AUNG SAN SUU KYI

2010-10-04T07:53:00.001-07:00

Burma Campaign UK today expressed caution following reports that Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of Burma’s democracy movement, could be released after the elections.

An unnamed official has reportedly told the AFP news agency that her release will happen after the elections. According to Burmese law, Aung San Suu Kyi should be released on November 13th. The United Nations has repeatedly ruled that her detention breaks international law.

“We hope this report is correct, but regime officials have said similar things in the past and Aung San Suu Kyi has remained in detention,” said Mark Farmaner, Director of Burma Campaign UK. “We’ll believe it when we see it.”

Aung San Suu Kyi is currently serving her third period of detention since 1989. On October 24th she will have spent a total of 15 years in detention.

“Even if Aung San Suu Kyi is released, it would be wrong to attach too much political significance to the release,” said Mark Farmaner. “She has been released twice before without there being any political change in the country. It is more likely that the dictatorship will try to use her release to attempt to persuade the international community to relax pressure on them. However, the number of political prisoners has almost doubled in the past three years. If they release all or the majority of political prisoners along with Aung San Suu Kyi, then this could be the start of something with broader political significance.”

Myanmar's Sham Election By NICK CLEGG

2010-10-04T07:51:00.001-07:00

We are now a month away from the first elections in Burma in 20 years. That should give us cause to celebrate. Sadly, that is wishful thinking. Burma’s 55 million people continue to suffer brutal oppression. Abject, needless poverty is, for most, a daily reality. These elections will be little more than a sham to perpetuate military rule.

So when Asian and European leaders meet on Monday in Brussels, the U.K. will be calling for us to speak with one voice against the gross mistreatment of the Burmese people.

That means being unequivocal: These elections will be neither free nor fair. Opponents of the ruling party lack resources and are systematically targeted by the current regime. Thousands of political prisoners remain incarcerated. Various ethnic parties have been refused the right to participate. Last month the military dissolved the National League for Democracy — its biggest perceived threat.

The situation is little better for those parties which are being allowed to participate. The regime they oppose has passed deeply unfair election laws and runs the election commission. In Burma all media is heavily censored by the state.

So the election result is a foregone conclusion. Under the constitution a quarter of seats are already reserved for the military. In half of the remaining seats parties loyal to the regime will run uncontested, their opponents unable to field a candidate. The regime is therefore guaranteed a substantial majority — before a single vote is even cast.

The consequence for Burma is the return to power of a ruling elite that has presided over widespread human rights abuses, including arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, rape and torture. That same regime has been guilty of profound economic mismanagement and corruption. While they routinely blame sanctions for weak development, the truth is that they have squandered Burma’s natural resources and export opportunities. The country’s infant mortality rate is now amongst the highest in Asia.

These failings are undeniable. Yet some are tempted to overlook the deep flaws in the approaching election. Clearly, it would be more convenient for the international community to quietly agree that any election is better than no election. Burma would recede in the mind, allowing us to “move on.” That is attractive for nations that insist we should not interfere in one anothers’ affairs. And the West could not be accused, as it sometimes is, of attempting to recreate the world in its own image.

These are not reasons to ignore the truth. The European Union has already made it clear that sanctions — targeted at the regime and its sources of revenue — will not be lifted until genuine progress is made on the ground. We must now work with our Asian partners, using our collective clout, to push for that progress. Members of the Asia-Europe Meeting group, or ASEM, account for nearly 60 percent of the global population — and the same proportion of global trade. Burma’s military regime should know that, until it satisfies international demands, it will meet the same disapproval whether it looks East or West.

Not only is that our shared moral duty, but it is in our strategic self-interest too. Without a process of national reconciliation in Burma, the risk of instability is real. Ethnic cease-fires look increasingly fragile. A return to conflict would have devastating humanitarian consequences, undermining regional security and leading to further refugee flows into neighboring countries and beyond.

So we must continue to exert pressure on the regime to engage all opposition and ethnic groups in a meaningful dialogue. The objective must be a fair settlement that gives ethnic groups a political voice and protects their minority rights. All prisoners of conscience — including the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi — must be released without delay. Reconciliation must be geared toward the social and economic development that has long evaded the Burmese state.

This week is an opportunity for Asian and European nations to reaffirm that message. Military men must know that swapping their uniforms for suits will not change the demands of the international community. We will not be pacified by a democratic facade. Our expectations will not drop.

Nick Clegg is deputy prime minister of Britain.

Trade Unions Call on ASEM to Act on Burma

2010-10-04T07:49:00.000-07:00

Brussels, 1 October 2010 (ITUC OnLine): Trade unions from across Asia and Europe, gathered in Brussels in for o the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) Leaders’ Summit are calling on ASEM Leaders to take action on Burma, including demanding the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners and the ending of attacks on the civilian population, particularly ethnic communities and democracy supporters.

The ITUC is concerned that some in the international community is viewing national elections in Burma next month as a reason to relax pressure on the regime. The elections are deeply flawed: pro-democracy voices have been excluded, other parties have been prevented from campaigning effectively, and regardless of the outcome of the vote, the military is guaranteed effective control of government under a flawed constitution. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon stated on 27 September that elections will not be credible without the release of political prisoners, including democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

The international community needs to significantly step up pressure on the regime until there is tangible progress towards an inclusive and democratic constitution and full respect for human rights.

ASEM governments and social partners can play their part by cutting the trade and investment ties that are keeping the regime in power, in line with the 2000 ILO resolution on Burma.

With the regime stepping up its war against its own people, ASEM Leaders should call on the UN Security council to approve a total arms embargo on Burma and support a UN Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity.

To put pressure on the regime to remove its ban on trade unions and give Burmese workers a voice, ASEM governments should support the launch of an ILO Commission of Inquiry into Freedom of Association in Burma in the ILO Governing Body.

Pressure on the regime to end all forms of forced labour must be stepped up. Those who are guilty of using forced labour must be punished and the recruitment of children into the military must stop. A significant starting point would be to ensure that the ILO is able to work freely across the country, including to investigate cases of forced labour.

The ITUC represents 176 million workers in 151 countries and territories and has 301 national affiliates. http://www.ituc-csi.org and http://www.youtube.com/ITUCCSI

EUROPA DA UNA CALUROSA BIENVENIDA A LOS CRIMINALES BIRMANOS

2010-10-04T07:37:00.000-07:00

A WARM WELCOME TO THE BURMESE CRIMINALS!

NYAN WIN, BURMESE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, IS GIVEN A GOOD RECEPTION IN
BRUSSELS AT THE OCCASION OF THE ASEM8 FORUM.
ACTIONS BIRMANIE CONDEMNS THE PRESENCE OF THIS HIGH-LEVEL REPRESENTATIVE
OF THE BURMESE MILITARY JUNTA.

In his last March report, the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations, O.Quintana,
condemned the junta in strongest terms : " Given the gross and systematic nature of human rights violations in Myanmar over a period of many years, and the lack of accountability, there is an indication that those human rights violations are the result of a State policy that involves authorities in the executive, military and judiciary at all levels" and went on to specify that: " some of these human rights violations may entail categories of crimes against humanity or war crimes '.

Following these recommandations, 12 countries, of which 8 EU Member States, have recently called for the establishment of a commission of inquiry on the war crimes and the crimes against humanity committed by the Burmese junta.1

Not only is Belgium dragging its feet by not having yet joined the list of countries in favour of this initiative. It is also laying the red carpet for the Burmese criminals’ spokesperson to walk upon!

BIRMANIA POR LA PAZ CONDEMNS THIS OUTRAGEOUS PRESENCE IN EUROPEAN TERRITORY !!
STOP IMPUNITY
EUROPE MUST SUPPORT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF AN INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION OF
INQUIRY WITH A MANDATE TO EXAMINE THE CRIMES COMMITTED IN BURMA!

WHERE IS THE SPANISH GOUVERMENT?

1 The countries in favour of an international commission of inquiry are the following :
USA, Canada, New Zealand, Australia
France, The UK, Netherlands ,Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Lithuania, Ireland

POR QUE ESPAòA NO APOYA A LA COMISION DE NACIONES UNIDAS DE CRIMENES CONTRA LA HUMANIDAD Y DE GUERRA EN BIRMANIA A DIFERENCIA DE OTROS PAISES EUROPEOS

2010-10-03T08:01:00.001-07:00

We are very welcomes the decision of the Irish Government to support the establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma. Ireland joins France, United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Netherlands, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Lithuania in backing the proposal for an investigation into human rights abuses in Burma.

In March 2010, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Burma called on the UN to consider the possibility of establishing a Commission of Inquiry into crimes committed in Burma which violate international law, stating that the abuses were 'a state policy that involves authorities in the executive, military and judiciary at all levels'. Human rights violations committed by the Burmese military include deliberate and indiscriminate attacks on civilians, sexual violence against women and young girls, forced labour, use of child soldiers, forced displacement of more than a million people, torture, and summary executions.

CAPITALISMO AUTORITARIO y PARTIDOS DE IZQUIERDAS ESQUIZOIDES ARRIESGAN LA LUCHA DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS EN EUROPA by Anthony Dworkin

2010-10-03T07:49:00.000-07:00

The European Union’s hopes of supporting human rights and
democracy around the world are at risk of being defeated by
changes in the global balance of power. The EU is committed
to putting democracy, human rights and the rule of law at the
centre of its foreign policy. But as the West loses its political
and economic dominance in global affairs, it must increasingly
compete for influence with rising powers that have shown no
interest in promoting human rights or democracy outside their
borders – and some of them not even within their own borders.
The spectacular success of authoritarian capitalism in China
and the current economic crisis in the West have undermined
the appeal of liberal democratic political systems. Some newly
democratic countries have failed to meet the hopes of their
citizens, while authoritarian regimes have become more
effective at blunting pressures for political reform. Across the
world, there is increasing opposition to the idea that the West
should tell countries how to run their own affairs.

Links to the full briefs:

The EU and Human Rights at the UN: 2010 Review

Towards an EU Human Rights Strategy for a Post-Western World

BIRMANIA, LA MAYOR PRISION DEL MUNDO AL AIRE LIBRE by Giancarlo Bocchi

2010-10-03T07:40:00.000-07:00

En vísperas de una farsa electoral
Birmania, la mayor prisión del mundo al aire libre
En ningún país del mundo hay tantas formaciones guerrilleras activas como en Birmania: algunas de éstas están, lógicamente, en contra de la dictadura, mientras otras han acordado el cese al fuego, o han decidido trabajar para el enemigo.
Texto y fotografía de Giancarlo Bocchi

Birmania. El destino de Birmania está marcado por sus riquezas. Es rica en gas natural, piedras preciosas y materias primas. Sin embargo, viéndola en el mapa parece un exquisito bocado entre las fauces de China e India, naciones muy distintas entre sí, y al mismo tiempo sedientas de materias primas y regidas por un desarrollo industrial desenfrenado. Pero por el momento, este bocado está siendo disfrutado por los generales que llevan 50 años en el poder

En 1989, Birmania fue re-bautizada como Myanmar por la Junta Militar. El 7 de noviembre del presente año se llevaran a cabo las elecciones, una farsa impuesta por el general Than Shwe, el corpulento y astuto hombre fuerte de la Junta Militar dictatorial, la cual gobierna ininterrumpidamente a este país desde 1962. Se trata de una de las más vetustas y crueles dictaduras del siglo XX. Con estas elecciones busca darse un paradójico tinte de legalidad.

Experto en “guerra psicológica” del Ejército nacional, Than Swe es un sátrapa asiático paranoico que idolatra la astrología hasta el punto de considerarla un instrumento en las decisiones políticas. Con las elecciones quisiera desplazar a la comunidad internacional, poner fuera de la jugada a la oposición democrática y reforzar sus nexos con China. Está listo para quitarse el uniforme militar y ponerse ropa civil como neo-presidente, trajes que el sastre de la confianza le ha confeccionado. En las elecciones-farsa quedarán excluidos los mayores exponentes de la oposición democrática, todos aquellos que han purgado condenas dictadas por los tribunales especiales de la dictadura, comenzando por la premio nobel Aung San Su Kyi, esa valiente mujer relegada por los generales a doce años de arresto en su casa de Rangoon (la ex-capital que fue re-bautizada por los generales como Yangoon).

Mas

El coraje de resisitir documental del Flavio Signore se estrena el proximo 7 de Octubre en Gava

2010-10-02T12:23:00.000-07:00

El documental del director Flavio Signore y Concha Pinos directora de Birmania por la paz, EL CORAJE DE RESISITR, sera presentado el proximo 7 de Octubre en Gava..

Se trata de la version de 30 minutos para las escuelas y activistas que formara la herramienta principal para las futuras elecciones birmanas.

La version larga de 90 minutos que incluye las elecciones de Noviembre, se estrenara en las salas de cine el proximo 10 de Diciembre, Dia Internacional de los Derechos Humanos.

Te agradecemos tu apoyo, invita este documental a tu ciudad.

The courage to resist new documentary by Flavio Signore, 7th of October

2010-10-02T11:10:00.000-07:00

The Documentary director Flavio Signore and Concha Pinos director of Birmania por la Paz present THE COURAGE TO RESIST, a new documentary for school (30 m) and activists who will be the principal tool of the spanish campaign BIRMANIA POR LA PAZ for the Burmese Elections.

The short version release the 7th of October in special sesion in Gava and will be running in Spain and Latino America.
The long version including burmese elections of November 2010, will be release in spanish movies theater by the 10th of December. International Day of Human Rights.

Burma’s democratically elected Prime Minister, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been under house arrest since 1989, months after working for democratization of the country through founding the political party the National League For Democracy. Her election in 1990 was nullified and the military refused to hand over power to her. A student of Gandhi’s non-violent resistance, Suu Kyi is the 1991 recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize. She has been offered her freedom if she leaves the country. She has refused and has sacrificed her freedom in an effort to free her country from military rule. She is currently still under house arrest.

We will be very happy with your support, please invite this documentary to your city.

Can Sham Elections Be Good For Democracy?

2010-10-02T10:39:00.001-07:00

Harvard's James Robinson and MIT's Daron Acemoglu make an unusual argument in Foreign Policy this week: sometimes fraud-ridden elections, which would appear to subvert democratic growth by neutering the voting process and enforcing anti-democratic authoritarianism, can actually be good for democracy. Robinson and Acemoglu focus on Burma, the Southeast Asian nation ruled by an oppressive military junta, which is expected to hold elections in November that will be anything but democratic. However, they write, "Nonetheless, Burma's rulers may be paving the way for their own eventual eclipse. Even flawed elections can make a meaningful difference to the people of Burma."

It's clear that the regime is less interested in establishing a democracy than in resisting pariah status on the international stage and forestalling discontent at home. Whether they're motivated by the bite of sanctions, the restiveness of domestic ethnic minorities, or the discontent of a younger generation of officers among the junta, Burma's rulers want to restore some measure of legitimacy for themselves -- without, of course, loosening their grip on the country's levers of power.

But loosen it they eventually will. History shows that gradual, half-hearted reforms of this sort are exactly how many autocracies successfully transition to democracy. Rulers gradually liberalize laws while ensuring that they maintain their privileges and status, come what may. Chile's move to democracy, for example, was facilitated by protections that the new constitution gave to Pinochet and other leading generals. The process of political reform in 19th-century Britain was also smoothened by the ability of existing elites to protect their interests via the House of Lords. And the world's longest-running constitutional democracy -- the United States -- got its start because its "founding fathers" were convinced that the establishment of indirect elections for senators and the president would prevent radical, popular reforms. But, in all the above cases, the new openness produced a spurt of economic growth that eventually dislodged the old ruling class from its privileged perch over society.
They also cite comparisons with Egypt and Taiwan. Their argument will sound unusual to Americans who are used to thinking of the only way to liberalize an oppressive country is by forceful regime change, as the U.S. engineered in Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, a number of Latin American nations, and more. However, Robinson and Acemoglu argue that even the worst nations, such as Burma, can bring about their own gradual democratization even through the decidedly anti-democratic act of holding a sham election.

Myanmar courts sentence activists, monk to jail

2010-10-02T10:36:00.001-07:00

Courts in military-ruled Myanmar have given long prison sentences to 13 people, including a Buddhist monk, who were accused of planning bombings and other activities to disrupt upcoming elections, lawyers said Thursday.

The sentencing is the first major crackdown on dissent since campaigning officially began last week for the Nov. 7 general elections, the first in 20 years. The ruling junta is eager to promote the polls as a key step in a return to democracy after almost four decades of military rule.

However, many opposition activists are already in jail or in exile, and critics say the election rules are unfair and undemocratic. Detained Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's party, which won a landslide victory in the last elections in 1990 but was never allowed to take power by the military, has decided to boycott this year's vote.

Lawyer Myint Thaung said a special court inside Yangon's Insein prison sentenced a group of 12 people, including one woman, to prison sentences ranging from five to 23 years. He said authorities accused them of planning bombings and activities to disrupt the elections, but they were convicted on other charges including immigration law violations, links with illegal organizations and possession of arms.

Another lawyer, Khin Htay Kywe, said the monk, identified as Okkantha, was sentenced by a separate court to 15 years in prison for alleged anti-election activities and links to illegal opposition groups.

Myint Thaung said many of his clients were unfairly charged and "there was no proof" that they were planning bombings.

He said they are carpenters and construction workers who were arrested in January after a construction site boss, Kyaw Zin Lin, was arrested for allegedly planning bombings on the outskirts of Yangon.

Okkantha, a monk belonging to the ethnic Mon minority, was arrested in January in southeastern Myanmar and was charged with violating the Electronic Act, Printing and Publishing law and disrupting peace and tranquility, his lawyer said. The Electronic Act, Printing and Publishing law is a catchall statute that can be used against people who disseminate information that the government doesn't like.

"Authorities said they seized some leaflets that called for the release of political prisoners before the elections and were against the 2008 constitution. Authorities also seized a computer and camera and accused the monk of sending photos to the Mon News Agency," Khin Htay Kywe said.

The Mon News Agency is an opposition news service that operates on the border with Thailand. The constitution was written under military supervision and ensures that the army will control a large number of seats in the new parliament.

Also Thursday, a student exile group, the All Burma Federation of Student Union, condemned the arrest of six student activists who had called for a boycott of the elections, according to Mizzima, an opposition website also run by exiles.

An official who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to provide information to the media confirmed that six university students were arrested earlier this month for distributing anti-government leaflets.

Copyright 2010 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Posted in Asia on Thursday, September 30, 2010 7:25 am Updated: 9:04 am. | Tags:

http://trib.com/news/national/asia/article_67a8ce77-e6c1-5dce-a2d5-6bc5b52daea6.html

U.S. Lawmaker Doubts Myanmar’s Suu Kyi Release Plan

2010-10-02T10:35:00.002-07:00

October 1, 2010 8:50 a.m. EST

Yangon, Myanmar (AHN) - An American lawmaker is blasting the military government of Myanmar for its plan to released pro-democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi just days after the country's Nov. 7 elections, which are widely regarded as a sham by the international community.

New York's Democrat Rep. Joseph Crowley called the announcement of Suu Kyi's pending release a ploy by the Myanmar leadership to legitimize the election. He said that the world had seen the junta’s "catch and release" game several times in the past in which they promise to release Suu Kyi, who had been under house arrest since 1990, but ultimately extend her house arrest.

Crowley said that if the military junta was keen on bringing changes seriously and wants to have a fair and democratic election, they must release Suu Kyi with other political prisoners now.

"Unfortunately, the claim that they may release her is a ploy to legitimize these unfair elections, and further proof that the junta will do or say just about anything to maintain power," he said.

U.S. President Barack Obama also has also expressed doubt about the elections’ credibility although his administration started talks last year with the military regime to help bring it out of isolation.

Meanwhile, India's national security adviser Shivshankar Menon on Thursday expressed optimism about the elections and said it could be a "significant step" toward democracy. Suu Kyi’s current term of house arrest is due to expire on Nov. 13.

http://www.allheadlinenews.com/articles/7020078547?U.S.%20Lawmaker%20Doubts%20Myanmar%E2%80%99s%20Suu%20Kyi%20Release%20Plan

Myanmar junta boss visits Laos: official

2010-10-02T10:35:00.001-07:00

Myanmar's junta leader Senior General Than Shwe arrived in communist Laos Friday and briefed the neighbour on preparations for his country's first elections in two decades, an official said.

"He arrived this morning," Khenthong Nuanthasing, the Laos government spokesman, told AFP.

Khenthong described the three-day visit, Than Shwe's third to the country, as "a friendly, official visit" focused on the two countries' ties.

Than Shwe, 77, landed in Laos a day after officials in his country said democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi will be released in November, just days after the elections.

Suu Kyi's release was not discussed when Than Shwe met Laotian counterpart President Choummaly Sayasone, Khenthong said.

"But of course the senior general reported to the Laos president on current preparations for the election," he said.

Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace laureate, has been detained for most of the last 20 years since winning the country's last poll in 1990. She will be freed when her current house arrest expires on November 13, the unnamed sources said.

The election is on November 7.

Neither Suu Kyi nor her National League for Democracy (NLD) party will participate in the vote, which opponents have dismissed as a sham aimed at hiding military power behind a civilian facade.

On Saturday Than Shwe will visit southern Laos "to observe socio-economic development," Khenthong said.

A Myanmar official in the capital Naypyidaw described the trip as "just a goodwill visit."

http://news.ph.msn.com/regional/article.aspx?cp-documentid=4371340

China Endorses Burma Elections

2010-10-02T10:34:00.002-07:00

Peter Simpson | Beijing 30 September 2010

As Burma prepares for its first election in 20 years, it is getting strong backing from neighboring China. Regional political analysts say Beijing's goal is ensure stability along its border.

Beijing is one of the few nations endorsing Burma's elections next month.

Burma's military government says the elections, the first in 20 years, are central to its path to democracy and civilian rule. But critics, including the United States, consider the November 7 vote to be flawed and designed to ensure that the military remains in control.

International Crisis Group's report

The International Crisis Group in a recent report said China's top concern is not democracy, but security along the 2,200-kilometer border it shares with Burma.

A year ago, tens of thousands of refugees flooded across the border because of a Burmese military offensive into the mainly ethnic Chinese area of Kokang, in northeast Shan state.

Beijing was forced to deploy its own troops to stabilize the region.

Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt is the Northeast Asia Project director for the International Crisis Group, says Beijing was caught off guard.

"Beijing did not think that the neighbor was really going to go in and undertake a military intervention. And also Beijing was surprised because it was not sufficiently warned by its officials down on the border," she said.

Ahlbrandt says Beijing has since become more closely engaged with General Than Shwe, Burma's leader.

Chinese investment

According to the International Crisis Group's report, this has not changed China's deteriorating image among most people in Burma.

The report says some of China's large energy investments have fostered discontent.

Beijing is Burma's third-biggest trade partner after Thailand and Singapore.

But the report says many Burmese are unhappy with Chinese companies in their country, because of a lack of transparency, disregard for the environment and the unfair distribution of benefits.

In April 2009, three bombs exploded close to a Chinese-built dam in northern Burma's Kachin state.

Some experts in China's foreign relations think the blasts were prompted by resentment toward Chinese businesses.

The role of economy

Zhang Xudong, a professor at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at Xiamen University, says that the Burmese resentment in the area is a result an economic imbalance.

He says most of the big businesses in Burma are run by Chinese companies and the Burmese rarely reap the benefits from China's vast profits.

Zhang also says many of the Chinese working in Burma are unfamiliar with the local culture.

He thinks this creates misunderstandings, which are further inflamed by the Burmese leadership's policies towards minorities.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu rejected the Crisis Group's findings, saying the trade with Burma benefits both sides equally. Jiang says her government always urges Chinese companies to abide by local laws and regulations, and to pay attention to environmental protection and local traditions.

Critics of Beijing's policy say China believes that its economic interests in Burma depend on stability, especially among ethnic groups in the border areas.

But earlier in September, the sensitive border areas again fell under the spotlight and are worrying Beijing.

Burma's government said it would not set up polling stations in some ethnic communities.

Albrandt says Beijing is now taking a risk by openly supporting the poll.

"At the end of the day this is all a very volatile mix for risk-adverse Beijing," said Albrandt. "I think that China is looking toward elections that can provide legitimacy to these elections and the fact that you do not have ethnic groups participating is going to make that very difficult."

Seat allocation in Burma's parliament

Under Burma's new constitution, 25 percent the seats in parliament are reserved for the military. The country's election laws, announced earlier this year, barred anyone with a criminal conviction from participating in the election, and required political parties to expel members who are in prison or under detention.

That included the National League for Democracy, Burma's major opposition group. Its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi has been under house arrest for most of the past 20 years. The NLD won the country's last elections, in 1990, but the military never allowed it to take power.

The NLD refused to kick out Aung San Suu Kyi and the government said it had to disband.

A United Nations ministerial group recently urged Burma's government to release political detainees, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and to include all groups to make the elections credible. China was part of that group.

http://www.voanews.com/english/news/China-Endorses-Burma-Elections-104078093.html

Fears of poll violence after Myanmar blast

2010-10-02T10:34:00.001-07:00

Saturday, 02 October 2010 05:11

YANGON: A bomb blast at a rural Myanmar election commission office has stirred fears of violence during the first polls in two decades next month in the reclusive military-run nation, state media reported yesterday.

A device made from TNT exploded late on Wednesday at a government office in Bago Township, about 80km north of the biggest city Yangon, but there were no casualties reported and staff had closed the office 45 minutes earlier.

Union Election Commission officials were using the office to coordinate the local ballot. State newspapers, which are mouthpieces of the junta that has ruled for the last 48 years, said the bombing was an attempt to derail the November 7 polls.

“They are trying to ramp up instigations and destructive acts with intent to disrupt the upcoming democracy elections,” said Friday’s state newspapers.

The media blamed “insurgents, destructive elements and political opportunists” for the bombing.

Critics of Myanmar’s army rulers have dismissed the election as a sham to create a military-dominated system run by generals and their proxies with little change to the status quo.

The military has a 25 percent quota of all legislative seats and scores of generals have retired from the army to run in the polls. Several parties are serving as proxies for the regime and most of the junta’s opposition is hamstrung by strict rules. The house arrest term of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the figurehead of Myanmar’s pro-democracy struggle, expires six days after the poll and speculation is rife that the regime might detain her longer to stop her or her supporters from derailing the formation of a new government.

Many people doubt the junta will honour its pledge to free Suu Kyi, who has spent 15 of the last 21 years in detention. Her lawyer, Nyan Win, said further incarceration would be unlawful.

“She must be freed on November 13 because her term expires on that day and there is not a law to extend it further,” he said. Separately, a court this week sentenced 12 people to prison terms between five and 23 years for bomb plots and another court handed down a 15-year term to a Buddhist monk for attempting to disrupt the elections, their lawyers said on Thursday.

That was followed by the arrest of six students from Dagon University and Hmawbi Technical Institutes in Yangon for distributing leaflets with anti-election slogans, university sources said.

The junta takes a zero-tolerance approach to dissent and rights groups say 2,200 people are now in prison for expressing their political views.

Myanmar has given no indication it will bow to Western pressure to release detainees before the election. Reuters

Myanmar says insurgents trying to disrupt election

2010-10-02T10:33:00.001-07:00

YANGON: Myanmar’s state media warned on Friday that insurgents and political opportunists were trying to disrupt the first elections in 20 years, after a small blast at a provincial government building.

A hand-made TNT time bomb exploded outside a Ward Peace and Development Council Office in Bago region, about 80 kilometres outside of Yangon, the New Light of Myanmar newspaper said. Nobody was hurt by the explosion, which shattered windows and left a hole in a concrete wall, according to the junta mouthpiece, which reported there were separate attempts to attack a power pylon and wooden overpass last month.

“It is learnt that they are the works of insurgents, destructive elements and political opportunists who are trying to ramp up instigation and destructive acts with the aim of disrupting the upcoming multi-party democracy election following unrest and violence,” the English-language newspaper said. The ward offices are also being used by the local election commission.

The secretive country is preparing for November 7 polls that critics have dismissed as a sham due to the exclusion of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi because she is a serving prisoner. Myanmar has been hit by several bomb blasts in recent years, which the junta has blamed on armed exile groups or ethnic rebels.

A series of explosions on April 15 left 10 people dead and about 170 wounded at a festival—the worst attack in five years in Yangon. Last month two young men were shot dead in a quarrel with troops in Bago region. The authorities played down the incident as just a drunken brawl and not a fight between the army and the public. agencies

Myanmar abuzz over possible release of Suu Kyi

2010-10-02T10:32:00.002-07:00

By ASSOCIATED PRESS

Published: Oct 2, 2010 00:05 Updated: Oct 2, 2010 00:05

YANGON: The detention of Myanmar's democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi expires early next month, but officials said Friday that only the ruling junta chief knows exactly when she will be granted freedom.

The Nobel Peace laureate has been locked away for 15 of the past 21 years, ever since her opposition party swept the country's last elections in 1990, and the military refused to cede power.

Her latest term of house arrest ends on Nov. 13, just days after the junta plans to hold the first elections since those ignored polls — timing that analysts say is hardly coincidental.

There is wide speculation the junta will release her as an olive branch to the international community after its expected win in elections that many observers have decried as so rigged as to be meaningless.

But Suu Kyi's detention is considered a matter of national security and officials say any decision to release her would be made at the last-minute by Senior Gen. Than Shwe, the junta chief.

“We can assume that she will be released on Nov. 13, but we cannot say with certainty that it will happen. Only the junta chief will know if or when the release can happen,” said one of two officials interviewed. “It is too early to say that she will be released on Nov. 13.” Both officials spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter.

Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy opposition party is boycotting the elections, which it calls unfair and undemocratic. As a result of not registering for the polls, the party has been dissolved, leaving no group that can effectively challenge the junta-backed party, which is expected to sweep the polls.

Critics call the country's first elections in two decades a sham and say the military shows no sign of genuinely relinquishing power.

The London-based rights group Burma Campaign UK issued a statement to express caution over recent reports about Suu Kyi's imminent freedom.

“We'll believe it when we see it,” said Mark Farmaner, the group's director. “Regime officials have said similar things in the past, and Aung San Suu Kyi has remained in detention.” If Suu Kyi is released, it would be wrong to attach too much political significance to it, Farmaner said.

“She has been released twice before without there being any political change in the country,” he said.

“It is more likely that the dictatorship will try to use her release to attempt to persuade the international community to relax pressure on them.” The international community has long demand the release of Suu Kyi and more than 2,100 political prisoners.

Bomb explodes in Myanmar election office: report

2010-10-02T10:32:00.001-07:00

(2010-10-01)
(Reuters) -

By Aung Hla Tun

YANGON (Reuters) - A bomb blast at a rural Myanmar election commission office has stirred fears of violence during the first polls in two decades next month in the reclusive military-run nation, state media reported on Friday.

A device made from TNT exploded late on Wednesday at a government office in Bago Township, about 80 km (50 miles) north of the biggest city Yangon, but there were no casualties reported and staff had closed the office 45 minutes earlier.

Union Election Commission officials were using the office to coordinate the local ballot. State newspapers, which are mouthpieces of the junta that has ruled for the last 48 years, said the bombing was an attempt to derail the November 7 polls.

"They are trying to ramp up instigations and destructive acts with intent to disrupt the upcoming democracy elections," said Friday's state newspapers.

The media blamed "insurgents, destructive elements and political opportunists" for the bombing.

Critics of Myanmar's army rulers have dismissed the election as a sham to create a military-dominated system run by generals and their proxies with little change to the status quo.

The military has a 25 percent quota of all legislative seats and scores of generals have retired from the army to run in the polls. Several parties are serving as proxies for the regime and most of the junta's opposition is hamstrung by strict rules.

DOUBTS OVER SUU KYI

The house arrest term of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the figurehead of Myanmar's pro-democracy struggle, expires six days after the poll and speculation is rife that the regime might detain her longer to stop her or her supporters from derailing the formation of a new government.

Many people doubt the junta will honor its pledge to free Suu Kyi, who has spent 15 of the last 21 years in detention. Her lawyer, Nyan Win, said further incarceration would be unlawful.

"She must be freed on November 13 because her term expires on that day and there is not a law to extend it further," he said.

Separately, a court this week sentenced 12 people to prison terms between five and 23 years for bomb plots and another court handed down a 15-year term to a Buddhist monk for attempting to disrupt the elections, their lawyers said on Thursday.

That was followed by the arrest of six students from Dagon University and Hmawbi Technical Institutes in Yangon for distributing leaflets with anti-election slogans, university sources told Reuters.

The junta takes a zero-tolerance approach to dissent and rights groups say 2,200 people are now in prison for expressing their political views.

Myanmar has given no indication it will bow to Western pressure to release detainees before the election.

(Editing by Martin Petty and Alex Richardson)
© Copyright 2010, Reuters

Birmània per la Pau presenta Daw Aung San Suu Kyi candidata al Premi Príncep d’Astúries de la Concòrdia 2010

2010-07-30T03:57:00.000-07:00

Es manté oberta la campanya de recollida de firmes de suport

Barcelona, 28 de juliol de 2010.- L’ONGD Birmania per la Pau, dedicada a la lluita per la instauració de la democràcia a Birmània, es complau en anunciar la presentació de Daw Aung San Suu Kyi como candidata al Premio Príncipe de Asturias de la Concordia 2010.
Malgrat que la inscripció a la candidatura ja ha estat entregada, l’entitat manté oberta la seva campanya de recollida de firmes electròniques a www.porlaconcordia.org amb l’objectiu de seguir rebent recolzament per part de la societat civil.
Suu Kyi es una líder birmana que viu sota arrest domiciliari des de fa diversos anys. La veu més ferma del sud-est asiàtic a favor de la Pau, la Concòrdia i la Reconciliació que gaudeix de la màxima estima de la població, pero també de l’odio de la junta militar que regeix el país.
A l’octubre, Birmània celebrarà les primeres eleccions en 20 anys. Res augura transparència i canvi de rumb en la política nacional. No obstant això, la concessió del Premi Príncep d’Astúries de la Concòrdia seria la millor manera, i en el moment més oportú, no tan sols de mostrar la nostra solidaritat amb Birmània, sinó també de declarar el nostre rebuig a les trepitjades contra la integritat humana que els militars birmans realitzen sistemàticament.
Així mateix, considerem que recolzar Aung San Suu Kyi per a l’obtenció del premi, contribueix a la protecció de la seva integritat física. La pressió mundial és, sens dubte, el que més ha ajudat a que aquesta dona es pugui mantenir amb vida. Un reconeixement com el que proposem contribuiria a reforçar aquesta pressió.
Si desitja conèixer més a fons la situació a Birmània, no dubti en posar-se en contacte con nosaltres. Gustosament l’atendrem.
Cordialment,

B x P

Birmania por la Paz presenta Daw Aung San Suu Kyi candidata al Premio Príncipe de Asturias de la Concordia 2010

Se mantiene abierta la campanya de recogida de firmas de apoyo

Barcelona, 28 de julio de 2010.- La ONGD Birmania por la Paz, dedicada a la lucha por la instauración de la democracia en Birmania, se complace en anunciar la presentación de Daw Aung San Suu Kyi como candidata al Premio Príncipe de Asturias de la Concordia 2010.
A pesar de que la inscripción a la candidatura ya ha sido entregada, la entidad mantiene abierta su campaña de recogida firmas electrónicas en www.porlaconcordia.org a fin de seguir recibiendo el apoyo de la sociedad civil.
Suu Kyi es una líder birmana que vive bajo arresto domiciliario desde hace varios años. La voz más firme del sureste asiático a favor de la Paz, la Concordia y la Reconciliación que goza de la màxima estima de la población, pero también del odio de la junta militar que rige el país.
En octubre, Birmania celebrará las primeras elecciones en 20 años. Nada augura transparencia y cambio de rumbo en la política nacional. Sin embargo, la concesión del Premio Príncipe de Asturias de la Concordia sería la mejor manera, y en el momento más oportuno, no solamente de mostrar nuestra solidaridad con Birmania, sino también de declarar nuestro rechazo a los atropellos contra la integridad humana que los militares birmanos realizan sistemáticamente.
Así mismo, consideramos que apoyar Aung San Suu Kyi para la obtención del premio, contribuye a la protección de su integridad física. La presión internacional es, sin duda, lo que más ha ayudado a que esta mujer se mantenga con vida. Un galardón como el que proponemos, contribuiría a reforzar dicha presión.
Si desea conocer más a fondo la situación en Birmania, no dude en ponerse en contacto con nosotros. Gustosamente le atenderemos.
Cordialmente,

B X P

Birmania, democracia y nucleares

2010-07-22T06:01:00.000-07:00

Birmania respira a elecciones. Aunque nada indica que estas lleven el cambio al país. Y mucho menos la paz y la democracia. Sobretodo después de confirmarse lo que se sospechaba desde hacía años: la junta al poder sueña con desarrollar tecnología nuclear para fines militares. Algo que, por lo temprano, puede empezar a dar sus frutos en 5 años y que sólo podrá alcanzarse desde una política de Gobierno continuista.

Barcelona, julio 2010.- Esta será la primera vez que los birmanos son llamados a las urnas en 20 años. Por ahora, la fecha de los comicios previstos para otoño no ha sido concretada. No obstante, sí han salido a la luz las primeras reglas que deben acatar los partidos para empezar la “carrera a la presidencia”. Reglas que incluyen la petición de permisos a la Comisión Electoral para realizar discursos, asambleas, encuentros y eventos. Además, los mítines no podrán realizarse en determinados espacios públicos, tales como patios, mercados o incluso fábricas. Las primeras normas concernientes a las elecciones de otoño exigen la implicación de un mínimo de 1000 miembros por partido a excepción de los partidos locales, que podrán estar formados por 500 personas. Además, la aportación económica que cada formación deberá realizar al Gobierno para presentarse a los comicios es de 500 dólares por candidato, una alta suma pensando en un país con elevadas tasas de pobreza.
Por el momento, 42 partidos han solicitado ser registrados por la Comisión Electoral, de los cuales 33, hasta la fecha, han sido aprobados. Las formaciones se mantienen a la espera de la publicación del día de las elecciones para poder empezar su campaña. Sin embargo, el Union Solidarity Development Party (USDP), formación fundada por el State Peace and Development Council en el seno del Gobierno, ya ha empezado a prepararse de forma no oficial para la jornada electoral.
Por ahora, la junta militar ha comenzado a preparar las listas de los votantes y a crear bases de datos informatizadas. Así mismo, ha empezado a entrenar a 600 profesores para que trabajen y operen en los centros de consulta. La gran mayoría del profesorado pertenece al movimiento social del USPD.
Paralelamente, el mismo Gobierno está entrevistándose con los presos políticos que hay en las cárceles del país. El motivo es saber cuál es la opinión de los opositores acerca de las elecciones y conocer de cerca si, una vez liberados, continuarán con sus actividades políticas. Según la Burma Fund United Nations Office, con estas preguntas la junta pretende conocer los planes de la Nacional League of Democracy (NLD) para los próximos meses y poder identificar futuros activistas anti militaristas una vez cumplan sus condenas de cárcel.
Por su cuenta, la NLD que ya anunció la intención de no presentarse a las elecciones, se mantiene firme a su política ciudadana. Por este motivo, continúa las visitas a los presos políticos y sigue promoviendo actividades de orden social para la población. Su líder, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, instó a la ciudadanía a usar su derecho de no votar, en caso de disconformidad política. Y una vez más, animó a los miembros del partido a seguir trabajando para la reconciliación nacional, los Derechos Humanos y la democracia.

Por lo que a la guardia fronteriza respecta –Border Guard Forces (BGF)-, la junta determinó que su consolidación no se hará eficaz hasta después de las elecciones, una prueba más que hace pensar a la opinión pública en la continuidad del régimen birmano al poder. La BGF es un cuerpo integrado por aquellos grupos armados a quienes el Gobierno dio la potestad de controlar sus territorios a cambio de un alto el fuego. Con este acuerdo, dichos grupos adquieren parte de la autonomía que siempre han reclamado para sus pueblos al tiempo que ejercen de controladores fronterizos para el Estado.
Los representantes de varias de estas organizaciones aseguraron que con la junta existe un pacto por el que recibirán un mayor apoyo económico y militar. Algo previsto para después de los comicios. No obstante, a finales de mayo, seis de estos grupos armados se reunieron en Tailandia para hacer un frente común ante un hipotético ataque de las Fuerzas Armadas contra sus pueblos.

Lo que sin duda marcará las generales de otoño es el contexto militar marcado por la carrera armamentística nuclear. Y es que a principios de junio, la televisión Al-Jazeera emitió el documental Burma’s nuclear ambitions, realizado por la entidad al exilio Democratic Voice of Burma. Este documental aporta imágenes sobre las plantas donde se pretende trabajar en la construcción de un reactor nuclear, el enriquecimiento de uranio y la fabricación de misiles con capacidad para transportar cabezas nucleares. Para la realización de este documental, Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) estuvo investigando más de cinco años. La mayor fuente de información provino de un mayor de la armada, el comandante Sai Thein Win, quien estuvo involucrado en el proceso de desarrollo nuclear pero acabó desertando del ejército. Consigo, se llevó imágenes y planos que luego entregó a la opinión pública para dar a conocer lo que la junta militar trama.
Birmania recibe la ayuda de la Internacional Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) en materia de asistencia para la investigación nuclear en los campos de la medicina y la agricultura. No obstante, no ha notificado a la Agencia sus intenciones para la consecución de una bomba atómica. Sin embargo, está obligado por el Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty a denunciar a quienes trabajan para la adquisición o el tratamiento de material nuclear. Así mismo, Birmania es parte firmante del tratado que establece el sureste asiático como zona libre de nucleares.
La carrera nuclear ha sido impulsada desde el Ministry of Science and Technology. Y parte del material que se ha comprado para tales fines se ha hecho a través del Department of Technical and Vocational Education con finalidades supuestamente académicas.
Las pruebas aportadas por DVB rebelan la existencia de, por lo menos, dos fábricas y un número indefinido de pequeños edificios dedicados a la consecución de la tecnología nuclear y de misiles preparados para soportar tales cargas. Igualmente, desvela que algunos de los componentes fabricados para dichos fines han sido ya testados.
Birmania ha enviado, desde hace, por lo menos diez años, ingenieros de su ejército a formarse al extranjero –sobretodo Rusia-, en tecnología nuclear y misiles de impacto nuclear. Los expertos sospechan que en cinco años, el país podría estar preparado para realizar sus primeras pruebas a campo abierto.
A todo ello, se le suma la vinculación directa de Corea del Norte, con quien Birmania ha mantenido relaciones comerciales y asesoramiento militar. Hasta el 2008, se sabe que Corea había vendido, por lo menos, 44 unidades lanzacohetes de largo impacto llegados por mar. La última vez que se vio un barco norcoreano en Birmania fue el pasado mes de abril. La junta militar aseguró que se trataba de un carguero que venía con cemento y que se iría cargado de arroz. Sin embargo, otras fuentes apuntaron que se trataba de un barco cargado con radares para la base recién creada en el norte del país. En su defensa propia, la junta denegó estar implicada en el comercio de armas con Corea del Norte y aseguró que su Gobierno cumple con la resolución 1874 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unides por la que está prohibido el comercio de armas con esta dictadura del extremo oriente.

Mientras tanto, la IAEA no puede entrar a Birmania para inspeccionar su programa nuclear sin un permiso de las autoridades nacionales. Sin embargo, la Burma Fund United Nations Office mantiene la posibilidad de la presión internacional como medida para forzar una mayor apertura del país. Así mismo, apunta que la cuestión nuclear, liderada por el unilateralismo de la junta, no puede ser tratada en el contexto político actual. Por este motivo considera oportuno abordar el tema desde una política que también incluya la reconciliación nacional, el desarrollo, la seguridad en las zonas fronterizas y la reforma militar.

PEACE FACTORIES - FACTORIAS DE PAZ- BIRMANIA POR LA PAZ EN EL SUDESTE ASIATICO

2010-07-01T07:54:00.000-07:00

PEACE FACTORIES es la ultima iniciativa de BIRMANIA POR LA PAZ en el Sudeste Asiático.

Producir paz no es tarea facil. Tener en nuestras manos un producto que haya sido hecho por gente de paz, que promueva la coexistencia pacifica y la reconciliación en el Sudeste Asiatico menos aún.

Nuestro objetivo es ayudar a las personas a visibilidad sus esperanzas para un mundo mejor. Estos pequeños signos de paz ( Camisetas, Khadi, Lápices, Muñecos, Libros, Cine,...) nacen para visualizar la voz de los caminantes de paz.

PEACE FACTORIES contribuye con recursos técnicos, humanos y economicos a grupos que desean producir articulos que contribuyen a la coexistencia pacifica.

Nuestra PRIMERA PEACE FACTORY es un taller textil con capacidad de trabajo para 300 mujers y 100 máquinas de coser para birmanas y tailandesas que trabajaran en condiciones dignas produciendo articulos de paz que se venderán aqui y alli. La PEACE FACTORY tiene tambien una guarderia gratuita para sus hijos

¿Quieres ser socio de la PEACE FACTORY?. Necesitamos:

- 100 Maquinas de coser.

- 4 Expertos en diseño de ropa- minima estancia 3 meses-

- 2 ordenadores para la oficina

Pero si además tienes una tienda, una escuela, una organización, una empresa y quieres distribuir los productos de PEACE FACTORY estaremos encantados de servite.

Gracias por tu contribucion a la Paz

direccion@birmaniaporlapaz.org

U Ashin Sopaka en Catalunya

2010-07-01T04:54:00.000-07:00

Venerable monje budista y líder social birmano por la Paz, invitado a Catalunya por Birmania por la Paz, con motivo del 65 aniversario de Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Durante su estancia habló de la importancia de la Paz en Birmania y en el resto del mundo. Así como de poner la espiritualidad al servicio de los demás.

Comentó la necesidad de poder mandar ordenadores, cámaras fotográficas y máquinas de coser a los programas de ayuda para refugiados birmanos que él auspicia. Analizó la situación actual de su país. Entre otras cosas, destacó la implicación de la Junta Militar en la proliferación nuclear y recordó como se tejió la Revolución Azafrán de 2007.

Redacción (Barcelona, Junio 2010).- Cuando de enseñanza se trata, no basta con el puro intelecto para comprender la totalidad del mensaje. Podemos dar fe de ello después de la visita de U Ashin Sopaka a Catalunya entre los días 18 y 22 de junio con motivo del 65 aniversario de Daw Aung Suu Kyi, candidata al Premio Príncipe de Asturias de la Concordia 2010. Días en los que comprendimos que espiritualidad sin servicio no es espiritualidad. Y que tan sólo cuando trabajamos para los demás es cuando estamos cumpliendo el verdadero propósito de nuestras vidas.

De espíritu apacible y calmado, este monje birmano es el bravo e implacable luchador por la Paz y la democracia mundial que logra incomodar el poder y mover las consciencias de la gente. Lo que para muchos es el recuerdo de aquella Revolución Azafrán de 2007 que consiguió poner entre las cuerdas a la junta militar birmana, para él todavía es algo presente. Aquella marcha orquestada por los monjes que arrastró estudiantes y civiles fue la semilla del cambio en Birmania. Una semilla que ya brota hoy día y que, según Ashin, no tardará mucho en dar su fruto. Y lo hará de una forma eficaz “pues la experiencia de 2007 nos capacitó para que la siguiente acción social sea la definitiva”.

De su visita surgió la iniciativa de mostrar nuestro apoyo a la causa birmana y a la Paz mundial con una marcha por la Paz prevista para el próximo 2 de octubre, coincidiendo con el nacimiento de Gandhi, y a una semana de las elecciones en Birmania. Una marcha por la que iremos dando más detalles a medida que se acerque la fecha.

U Ashin Sopaka trabaja desde el exilio. Moviliza esfuerzos para derrocar la dictadura militar birmana que lo echó de su país, a la que compara con un limón. Por ácida. Pero de la que podemos extraer una refrescante limonada y tomárnosla a su salud. Y es que es el mismo problema el que nos trae la solución. De ahí que este alegre religioso se muestre agradecido a la existencia de los militares en el Gobierno de su país, pues son ellos mismos el reto que debe ser superado.

La lección más importante que nos deja el Buda, recordaba Ashin en varias ocasiones, es la de la entrega a los demás. Sin duda, coherencia en su ejemplo no le faltaba. Después de ser detenido en Bangkok y expulsado a Alemania por encabezar una marcha pacifista, U Ashin Sopaka decidió que su vida estaba entre los más pobres y desfavorecidos huidos de la dictadura birmana. Que desde Europa, poco podía hacer por sus gentes, sobretodo quienes habían huido de Birmania y un buen día llegaron a Tailandia sin más que lo puesto. Por este motivo, Ashin desarrolla proyectos y de capacitación devolviendo la dignidad a cientos de personas rescatadas de la miseria. Cuenta con escuelas, comedores y factorías de productos artesanales. Todo, hecho con y para los refugiados.

Su visita a Catalunya fue con motivo del 65 aniversario de quien considera una hermana en el sendero espiritual: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Esta líder birmana, galardonada con el Nobel de la Paz (1991) y el Premi Internacional Catalunya (2008), es la acérrima defensora de la Paz, la democracia y la Concordia que, un año más, ha tenido que soplar las velas bajo arresto domiciliario. Y fue precisamente este aniversario el que nos llevó a organizar un conmemorativo ciclo de charlas, talleres y proyecciones de documentales que contaron con la presencia del monje birmano y que se celebraron en Barcelona, Sant Cugat y Granollers.

Para muchos, la llegada de U Ashin Sopaka también sirvió para conocer un poco más la realidad birmana. Una realidad que habla de la cooperación entre la Junta Militar birmana y la norcoreana para la proliferación armamentística nuclear. O la necesidad de una oposición birmana fuerte capaz de tomar las riendas del país en un hipotético caso de debilidad militar provocado por las marchas de la ciudadanía. U Ashin habló en más de una ocasión de que monjes y ciudadanos comprometidos trabajan desde hace tiempo en futuras manifestaciones por la Paz, aunque sin llegar a contarlas.

Sí dejó muy claro que la lucha por la Paz en Birmania no cesa. Que la rendición no existe y que cada decisión que la Junta toma es una motivación más para seguir en el camino. Si bien el ruido es imperceptible, de fondo ya se tocan las trompetas de la Paz y la democracia.

Abriendo puertas de prosperidad

La magnitud de la tarea de servicio que desempeña Ashin en Mae Sot (frontera birmano-tailandesa) con los refugiados birmanos lleva consigo una enseñanza oculta sobre las leyes de la prosperidad. Y es que el bíblico dicho de “pedid y se os dará”, no es algo que quede exclusivamente recogido en la tradición occidental sino que es un principio universal bien utilizado por aquellos que recorren el Sendero en actitud de servicio a los demás, tales como Thich Nhat Hanh, Amritanandamayi, Sai Baba o, para hacerlo nuestro también, Vicenç Ferrer.

U Ashin Sopaka bien conoce esta ley. Y prueba de ello es lo que en pocos años está logrando en este lugar del mundo. Una ley reclamada por todos, pues ¿Quién no quiere devenir próspero y rico? Sin embargo, la verdadera enseñanza de este principio está oculta bajo el aspecto de la compasión y la misericordia. Sólo es a través de ellas que la prosperidad abre sus puertas de forma infinita e ilimitada.

No significa eso que la buena aplicación de las leyes de la prosperidad ahorren el trabajo y la lucha por la Paz de quienes se dedican al servicio. Más bien lo contrario. O por lo menos, así se desprende del ejemplo que Ashin nos dio, a quien le faltan horas al día para ocuparse de lo personal (horas de descanso y de comida sobretodo).

En aras de mantener abierta esta fuente de prosperidad, Ashin Sopaka nos habló de sus proyectos de cooperación en Mae Sot. Todos relacionados con la Paz y la educación. Mujeres, jóvenes y personas sin recursos que elaboran todo tipo de productos que llevan un único mensaje: que haya Paz. A cambio, reciben comida y capacitación para desempeñar un oficio.

Por cierto que de ahí surgió la idea de crear un proyecto común en Tailandia pero también en Catalunya en base a una iniciativa de economía social. De apoyo a los más necesitados en las poblaciones de un y otro lugar y con el objetivo de educar y devolver la dignidad a esas personas. Ese proyecto común consistirá en la creación de unas fábricas de Paz (Peace Factory) en las que, igualmente, se elaboren productos manufacturados relacionados con la Paz.

Su estancia en Catalunya sirvió no solamente para hablar de la importancia de la Paz en Birmania y en el mundo entero sino también para dar a conocer sus proyectos de desarrollo en ese lugar de la frontera birmano-tailandesa. Y aprovechar la situación para vender camisetas que piden la liberación de Birmania y que han sido hechas por los refugiados. Al mismo tiempo habló de la necesidad de poder contar con ordenadores, cámaras de fotos y de vídeo y máquinas de coser para sus proyectos. En definitiva, objetos de segunda mano que en ocasiones se nos acumulan en los cuartos de la casa hasta llenarse de polvo cuando podrían ser muy útiles y eficaces en los centros de Mae Sot. Para ello, Birmania por la Paz se comprometió a ser centro de recogida de este tipo de material, por lo que cualquier lector que lo desee y disponga de algún ordenador inutilizado o incluso otro tipo de objeto que crea que pueda ser útil, bastará con que contacte con nosotros a través de este formulario.

La visita de U Ashin Sopaka a Catalunya removió las consciencias de quienes acudieron a su encuentro. Ahora, empieza el trabajo de poner en movimiento lo que en aquellos días se surgió.

Junio 2010

Birmania por la Paz

It's time to stop the Myanmar junta's nuclear ambitions

2010-06-23T07:26:00.000-07:00

BY XIAOXIONG YI • June 22, 2010

Myanmar, formerly Burma, is a poor country with an economy in terrible shape and a population in poverty. Its junta, in collaboration with North Korea's Kim Jong-il regime, is trying to develop nuclear weapons and long-range missiles that, if successful, will dramatically alter Asia's strategic dynamic.

The American Red Cross

In the footsteps of North Korea, the Myanmar regime is pushing ahead with ambitions to become a nuclear power. The ruling generals in Naypyidaw, Myanmar's new capital, are working on a secret program to develop nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles, according to confidential documents smuggled out of Myanmar by high-ranking military defectors.

"They really want a bomb, that is their main objective," said former Myanmar army major Sai Thein Win, who also served as the deputy commander of the Myanmar army's nuclear battalion.

North Korea is assisting Myanmar generals with their nuclear weapon programs. According to Brian McCartan of Asia Times, "Two nuclear reactors are believed to be under construction in Myanmar. One, at Naung Laing in central Mandalay Division, is being constructed with North Korean help. Several hundred Myanmar military personnel have undergone nuclear training in North Korea in recent years." Desmond Ball, a defense analyst at Australia National University, thinks the reactor could be online in 2012 and a deliverable weapon could be developed before 2020.

"In many ways, Myanmar is a parallel to North Korea," Aung Zaw, exiled Myanmar journalist and editor of the Thailand-based Irrawaddy, told Al Jazeera, "They live in fear of an invasion by the West and they want the ultimate insurance against regime change."

To make things worse, while Myanmar might be shunned by the West, the country's giant neighbor, China, is working closely with Myanmar generals. Since 1988, Myanmar has become China's closest ally in Southeast Asia and a major recipient of Chinese military hardware.

Beijing sees Myanmar as its "tribute state" to project China's military power into the region and safeguard its new trade routes through Southeast and South Asia. What is perhaps even more important for rulers in Beijing, however, is the "region's bounty -- Southeast Asia's biggest proven gas reserve in Myanmar's Shwe Field. Since 2008, massive works have begun on a pipeline to carry these riches to China," according to the Economist.

Unfortunately, most governments in the region are taking a laissez-faire attitude toward Myanmar generals' nuclear ambitions. Leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, the two most important regional organizations, are doing nothing to stop the military regime's nuclear program, in accordance with their principle of "non-interference." Japan's Myanmar policy, say Benedict Rogers, author of "A Land without Evil," and Yuki Akimoto, director of Burma-Info in Tokyo, is based on a "misguided view that appeasement will bear fruit. Tokyo is extending political and financial support to Burma's military regime to protect its own short-term economic interests."

Washington's policy toward the Myanmar military regime is, at best, ambiguous. "The Obama administration," writes Bertil Lintner of Far Eastern Economic Review, "has adopted a more conciliatory approach, sending emissaries to Myanmar to 'engage' the generals. But Washington also believes that concern over Myanmar's WMD programs -- and increasingly close ties with North Korea -- should be equally important considerations in any new U.S. policy towards Myanmar."

The Myanmar junta's nuclear ambitions have been known for years, but no one had done anything. It is time for the world to act and send a strong message of "no tolerance" to the paranoid ruling generals in Naypyidaw. An "engagement" strategy with Myanmar junta risks allowing another rogue state to go nuclear, a risk that the world cannot afford to take.

Naypyidaw junta's nuclear scheme might amount to little more than a monumental waste of state resources, but its probable failure should not be a reason for world leaders to regard such a development as negligible. Not only is the total outlay of Myanmar's weapon programs astronomical, running into billions of dollars, but also the world is starting to witness a "bunker mentality" nuclear arms race that represents a clear and present danger, with the rise of terrorist groups that are willing to pay any price for a device.

Yi is the director of Marietta College's China Program.

http://www.lancastereaglegazette.com/article/20100622/OPINION02/6220317

Thailand Must Take Clear and Decisive Action for Human Rights as New President of the UN Human Rights Council

2010-06-23T03:08:00.000-07:00

ASIAN NGOS JOINT PRESS STATEMENT

Thailand Must Take Clear and Decisive Action for Human Rights

as New President of the UN Human Rights Council

Asian NGOs Urge the New Asian Member States of the Council - Malaysia, the Maldives,

Qatar and Thailand to Strictly Comply with the Highest Human Rights Standards

(22 June 2010, Bangkok/Geneva) The UN Human Rights Council (Council) convened its organizational meeting yesterday on its fifth annual cycle (2010-2011) and elected Ambassador Sihasak Phuangketkeow, the Permanent Representative of Thailand to the UN Office and Other International Organizations in Geneva, as the President of the Council for a period of one year. We, the undersigned 55 national and regional human rights organizations across Asia, urge Ambassador Sihasak Phuangketkeow to demonstrate his utmost leadership and competency in order for the Council to fulfill its mandate and responsibilities effectively and ensure meaningful participation of NGOs.

We are of the view that there are underused work formats and tools at the Council, which can be rejuvenated by vigorous and inspiring initiatives by the President. Specifically, we call upon the President of the Council to make the most use of a President’s Statement to ensure timely response to situations of human rights violations, but not in a manner of substituting or replacing resolutions. The urgent debate on the Gaza flotilla incident during the recently concluded 14^th regular session of the Council demonstrated the creative capability of the Council in fulfilling its mandate. With the active facilitation by the President, such an example of a work format should be further explored and built upon consistently for other human rights situations that require the Council’s attention. Furthermore, we urge the President to concretely work on ways to better protect and enhance the space available to NGOs as well as for greater representation and effective engagement of national and regional NGOs in the Council processes including the 5-year review of the Council.

The Presidency of the Council is not limited to the personal capacity of the Ambassador; the government of Thailand too must play an exemplary role in upholding the highest human rights standards and fully cooperating with the Council and other UN human rights mechanisms. The public image and credibility of the Council will be seriously undermined if it is chaired by a representative of the State that continues to impose unduly prolonged state of emergency in the country. We urge the government of Thailand to lift the Emergency Decree without any further delay and ensure full transparency and accountability for those human rights violations committed during the recent unrest in its capital.

As a way of setting an example as the Council President, Thailand should issue a standing invitation to all Special Procedures mandate-holders for official country visits, giving priority to the Special Rapporteurs on Extrajudicial Executions, Human Rights and Counter-Terrorism, Freedom of Opinion and Expression, Migrants as well as the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. We call upon the government of Thailand to remain seized of the persistent human rights trends such as the rights of migrant workers, the right to freedom of expression and the human rights situation in southern Thailand, with the view that these should not be neglected during the national reconciliation process. In addition, the National Human Rights Commission and the judiciary must be further strengthened to ensure their independence and effectiveness.

Lastly, we repeat our call towards Asian States to push competitive slates to enable the General Assembly to be given a genuine opportunity to elect the most qualified States to the Council. While we regret the last Council elections in May were characterized by a pre-determined process, we strongly urge the new Asian member States of the Council, namely Malaysia, the Maldives, Qatar and Thailand to strictly comply with international human rights norms and standards and fully commit to engaging with national and regional human rights NGOs during their 3-year term. They must set clear indicators and timelines for their voluntary pledges and commitment with concrete action plans rather than aspirational targets.

List of Signatories (55 National and Regional Human Rights Organizations in Asia):

Regional Organizations

1. Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN-Burma), Thailand

2. Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP), Thailand

3. Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD), Philippines

4. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), Thailand

5. Asian Legal Resource Center (ALRC), Hong Kong, China

6. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI), India

7. Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women (GAATW), Thailand

8. International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (IWRAW-AP), Malaysia

9. Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA), Philippines

National Organizations

10. Bahrain Centre for Human Rights (BCHR), Bahrain

11. Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), Bangladesh

12. Odhikar, Bangladesh

13. Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB), Burma/Thailand

14. Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC), Cambodia

15. Indigenous Community Support Organization (ICSO), Cambodia

16. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM), India

17. People’s Watch (PW), India

18. Peoples’ Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR), India

19. Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity (PACTI), India

20. South India Cell for Human Rights Education and Monitoring (SICHREM), India

21. Human Rights Working Group (HRWG), Indonesia

22. Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI), Indonesia

23. Indonesian Association of Families of the Disappeared (IKOHI), Indonesia

24. International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID), Indonesia

25. The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS), Indonesia

26. The Indonesian Human Rights Monitor (IMPARSIA), Indonesia

27. Centre for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC), Malaysia

28. Education and Research Association for Consumer (ERA Consumer), Malaysia

29. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM), Malaysia

30. The Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN), Maldives

31. Centre for Human Rights and Development (CHRD), Mongolia

32. Globe International (GI), Mongolia

33. Human Rights Treaty Monitoring Coordination Committee (HRTMCC), Nepal

34. Informal Sector Service Centre (INSEC), Nepal

35. International Institute for Human Rights, Environment and Development (INHURED), Nepal

36. National Alliance of Women Human Rights Defenders (NAWHRD), Nepal

37. National Coalition for the International Criminal Court (NCICC), Nepal

38. Women’s Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC), Nepal

39. National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP), Pakistan

40. Paglingkod Batas Pangkapapatiran Foundation (PBPF), Philippines

41. Philippines Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA), Philippines

42. PILIPINA Legal Resources Centre (PLRC), Philippines

43. Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP), Philippines

44. Korean House for International Solidarity (KHIS), Republic of Korea

45. MINBYUN-Lawyers for a Democratic Society, Republic of Korea

46. People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), Republic of Korea

47. The Refuge P Nan, Republic of Korea

48. Think Centre, Singapore

49. Law and Society Trust (LST), Sri Lanka

50. Information Monitor (INFORM), Sri Lanka

51. Taiwan Association for Human Rights (TAHR)

52. People’s Empowerment Foundation (PEF), Thailand

53. US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI), Thailand

54. Working Group on Justice for Peace (WGJP), Thailand

55. Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP), Timor Leste

Suu Kyi receives Benazir Bhutto Shaheed Award for democracy

2010-06-23T02:53:00.000-07:00

June 22, 2010: (Indian Express) Myanmar's dissident political leader Aung San Suu Kyi has become the first recipient of the new Benazir Bhutto Shaheed Award for democracy instituted by the Pakistan People's Party in the memory of the slain former premier.

The award was instituted by the ruling PPP to mark Bhutto's birth anniversary, which was observed yesterday.

It pays tribute to Bhutto's life-long struggle for democracy, human rights, improvement of the status of women and social causes.

The recipients of the award in four categories democracy, human rights, philanthropy and women's empowerment were chosen by a committee chaired by PPP chief and President Asif Ali Zardari, an official statement said.

The statement said Suu Kyi was being honoured for challenging the dictatorship in Myanmar despite remaining in detention and house arrest for many years.

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/suu-kyi-receives-benazir-bhutto-shaheed-award-for-democracy/637029

Aung San Suu Kyi apela al derecho a "no votar"

2010-06-17T03:43:00.001-07:00

Miles de actos por todo el mundo piden la liberación de la Premio Nobel en su 65 cumpleaños

GEORGINA HIGUERAS - Madrid - 17/06/2010

El símbolo de la resistencia birmana, cumple hoy, encerrada entre los muros de su casa de Yagún, la antigua capital, 65 años. Aung San Suu Kyi, conocida como la Mandela de Asia, no podrá asistir a ninguno de los miles de actos organizados por el exilio birmano en los cuatro continentes. Aislada del mundo, la premio Nobel de la Paz defendió el derecho de su pueblo a "no votar" en las elecciones organizadas por el régimen militar.

La Junta militar, que aplasta con bota de hierro cualquier intento democrático en el país, está preparando unas elecciones para octubre a las que Suu Kyi no tiene autorización para concurrir. "El pueblo tiene derecho a votar, pero también lo tiene a no votar", dijo Suu Kyi el viernes, durante la única reunión semanal que se permite a la dirigente política con su abogado Nyan Win.

Mientras tanto, Myanmar, como la Junta renombró Birmania, languidece sumida en el aislamiento impuesto por los militares y la desesperanza occidental hacia una eventual apertura. El fracaso de la llamada Revolución del Azafrán (2007), por el color de los hábitos de la monjes budistas que recorrieron el país a pie pidiendo democracia, mejores condiciones de vida para los ciudadanos y lucha contra la corrupción, alejó a los turistas, los únicos contactos que los birmanos tenían con el exterior. Se teme que este año no lleguen ni a 250.000, lo que supone otro duro golpe económico para la población, una de las más pobres del mundo y aún castigada por los devastadores efectos del ciclón Nargis (primavera de 2008).

La Liga Nacional para la Democracia (LND), el partido que la Nobel de la Paz dirigía desde su regreso a Birmania en 1988, se disolvió el pasado mayo cuando decidió no registrarse sin su líder para las próximas elecciones. Hasta el momento, nadie ha hecho un llamamiento abierto al boicot de las elecciones, aunque tanto Aung San Suu Kyi como otros dirigentes de la desaparecida LND han dejado claro que esas elecciones no podrán ser "ni limpias, ni libres, ni democráticas".

El régimen, sin embargo, sigue adelante con sus planes y ya tiene registradas 32 formaciones políticas, incluido el gubernamental Partido del Desarrollo y la Unión Solidaria. La Junta considera que con los votos se cierra el proceso de normalización, iniciado en 2008 con la aprobación de una Constitución que entrará en vigor con la elección del nuevo Gobierno y que la oposición denuncia porque "perpetua el régimen militar, legitima la subyugación de las nacionalidades étnicas y amenaza los derechos humanos básicos de los birmanos".

Suu Kyi se ha convertido en el icono mundial de la resistencia civil por llevar desde 1989 sufriendo condenas que intermitentemente la encierran tras los barrotes de las cárceles birmanas o los muros de su casa. Al frente de la ahora desaparecida LND, en las únicas elecciones libres habidas en Birmania desde el golpe militar de 1962, Suu Kyi logró hacerse con el 82% de los escaños del Parlamento, pero los militares jamás reconocieron los resultados y un nuevo golpe acabó con las aspiraciones del pueblo y con el más mínimo resquicio de libertad.

Hija del general Aung San -héroe de la independencia birmana aunque no llegó a disfrutarla porque le asesinaron poco antes de instaurarse la República-, la Premio Nobel de la Paz de 1991 había regresado a su tierra en 1988 para cuidar a su madre moribunda pero la agitación social y las ansias de apertura que percibió entre los jóvenes birmanos la llevaron a ponerse al frente del movimiento que soñaba con democratizar un país de 53 millones de habitantes y multitud de etnias y lenguas.

El viernes pasado, durante la reunión mantenida con su abogado, Aung San Suu Kyi no quiso pronunciarse "por falta de información suficiente", sobre el supuesto programa nuclear birmano. A primeros de este mes de junio se hizo público un informe realizado tras cinco años de investigación, por un grupo antigubernamental en el exilio, que tiene su sede en Noruega, la Voz Democrática de Birmania (DVB, en sus siglas en inglés), que sostiene que la Junta militar está intentado desarrollar un programa clandestino nuclear con la intención de fabricar armas atómicas.

Desde Barcelona a Nueva Delhi, pasando por Washington y Bangkok, decenas de miles de exiliados birmanos celebran estos días con distintos actos y protestas los 65 años de esta dama de aspecto delicado y voluntad de acero. La oposición a las elecciones de octubre ha unido a la mayoría del exilio en un movimiento a favor de los derechos étnicos y la democracia, denominado Diez Alianzas de Birmania.

LA DETENCION DE DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI ES ILEGAL SEGUN NACIONES UNIDAS

2010-06-17T03:23:00.000-07:00

UN DECLARES NOBEL PEACE PRIZE LAUREATE
AUNG SAN SUU KYI’S DETENTION ILLEGAL;
URGES HER IMMEDIATE AND UNCONDITIONAL RELEASE

Washington, D.C. – Today, Freedom Now released Opinion No. 12/2010 from the
United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. The judgment from this
international tribunal unequivocally reestablishes that the ongoing detention of
Burmese democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is illegal and in violation of
international law.

In its opinion, the Working Group declares that ”[t]he continuation of the deprivation
of liberty of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is arbitrary being in contravention of articles 9,
10, 19 and 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. . .” The Working
Group further condemned the junta’s illegal imprisonment of Ms. Suu Kyi stating
that she “was not informed of the reasons for her arrest; had no effective remedy to
challenge her detention; no records were given to her; she was never informed of her
rights; she has been denied communication with the [o]utside world; and is being
detained because of her political views.”

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention is an independent and impartial
body of the UN Human Rights Council. It currently consists of experts from Chile,
Norway, Pakistan, Russian Federation, and Senegal. This is the sixth opinion from
the Working Group finding subsequent terms of her house arrest in violation of
international law.

Ms. Suu Kyi’s political party, the National League for Democracy, and its allies won
the 1990 elections in Burma with more than 80% of the parliamentary seats. Since
that election, Ms. Suu Kyi has spent more than 14 of the last 20 years under house
arrest. American citizen John Yettaw’s unannounced and illegal entry into Ms. Suu
Kyi’s residence in May 2009 resulted in the most recent illegal extension of her
house arrest.

In a recent statement carried by the state-run media, Burma’s foreign ministry stated
it “is a country that always respects UN declarations and decisions as it is a UN
member country.” If this is the case, then she should be immediately released.
“Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will be sixty-five years old this Saturday, June 19th –
another birthday spent unjustly confined,” said Jared Genser, president of Freedom
Now and international pro bono counsel for Ms. Suu Kyi. “The military junta
continues to flagrantly violate international law and decisions of the UN Working
Group by imprisoning Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.”

EL ESPACIO PÚBLICO DE LAS MUJERES por Concha Pinós

2010-06-17T02:09:00.000-07:00

Todas somos recién llegadas a algún sitio. Todas hemos tenido que luchar por conquistar un espacio en la vida, porque el espacio no te lo regala nadie. El hombre ha tenido más fácil históricamente el espacio público y la mujer ha tenido que hacer meritos para tener cargos. Ahora que tenemos un gran debate en nuestro país sobre el uso de prendas como el velo, las cuotas de participación política o la crisis de los dirigentes quisiera compartir una reflexión que hace mucho tiempo vengo haciéndome.

El espacio público parece a priori pertenecer sólo a aquellos que tienen derecho al voto, aunque aquellos que tienen derecho la mayoría de las veces no lo ejercen y lo delegan- lo subcontratan a individuos que aman más el poder que el servicio al pueblo-. La representación política del espacio público en un sistema democrático no es simplemente una cuestión estética sino ética, un acto de justicia.

Los instrumentos para pensar las sociedades globales se me antojan insuficientes para poder comprender e incluir un mundo globalizado del siglo XXI. Parece que estamos debatiendo iconos de la Edad Media. Tanto en la representación de los unos como de los otros. Si pienso en como encontrar elementos que nos unan desde la perspectiva de la humanidad del siglo XXI, quiero ir un poco más lejos.

La inclusión de las mujeres desde la política y desde el espacio público forma parte de la construcción de una ciudadanía activa, que representa sin duda las bases de una renovación democrática basada en las diferencias más que en la homogeneidad patriarcal de blancos de ascendencia europea. Democracia, igualdad, derechos humanos pueden parecer palabras gastadas, olvidadas y quizás por eso al observar la realidad del autoritarismo, la desigualdad y la injusticia de imponer o poner el uso del velo o de cualquier otra prenda a la mujer, parece que no estamos intentando crear formas de convivir sino de lucha.

Desde la ecología, el pacifismo al feminismo, el movimiento de las mujeres global incorpora formas de tratamiento de la resolución de los conflictos que constituyen en si mismos formas alternativas a la lógica del poder que rige actualmente el mundo: economía, política, cultura y espacio público. La inclusión de “las otras”, o de las que eran como “nos-otras” y ahora son “otras” va más allá de la legislación o la persecución de las mujeres que “desobedecen”, va más allá de los movimientos ocultos patriarcales que al final quieren dominar el proceso de las mujeres en uno u otro sentido. Se trata de que las mujeres mediante un debate interno “las otras y nos-otras” se incorporen como sujetos presentes y no subordinados.

Hoy en nuestro país es más necesario que nunca el ejercicio de la participación política ciudadana de las mujeres, es una necesidad democrática y síntoma de modernidad. En los países donde las mujeres sufren discriminación y abusos de derechos, donde el patrón del autoritarismo es imperante: una imposición unilateral desde el “orden natural” desde el Estado a las mujeres y a la sociedad. Pero la democracia es el orden consensuado pluralmente por diferentes actores sociales, la democracia es inclusiva. Si no somos capaces de incluir a “los otros”, los que fracasamos somos “nos-otros”. ¿Cómo podría estar pidiendo participación política de las mujeres en nuestra sociedad cuando estamos excluyendo el derecho a su imagen publica?

Si el Estado, la democracia o la sociedad civil española es incapaz de procesar las nuevas mujeres- con todas sus diferencias-, entonces esas nuevas mujeres y sus grupos de referencia que representan buscaran otros escenarios y otras formas para su canalización. La democracia debe de expresar la representación de todos. ¿Cuál es el modelo de ciudades y de sociedad que hemos ido creando desde hace 30 años en nuestro país? ¿Cuál es el modelo de paz, seguridad y desarrollo que hemos practicado con terceros países para superar las cuotas de pobreza e injusticias sociales?

A principios del siglo XX en España, se planteó como modelo de modernidad la Republica , la democracia, el liberalismo, el fin de los privilegios de la monarquía, la igualdad legal de las mujeres. Después llego la dictadura, la esclavitud, la represión y el olvido de toda una serie de valores conquistados arduamente por nuestras abuelas. Con el nacimiento de nuestra joven democracia hemos vuelto a retomar nuestros principios laicos y de convivencia. Hemos hecho un ejercicio que otras jovenes democracias del mundo no han podido con el.

Las ciudadanas modernas tenemos obligaciones y derechos. El derecho a decidir la propia manera de vestir, sentir o expresar nuestra libertad. Pero el ejercicio de esos derechos tienen que darse en un marco de libertad, consenso y concordia para el conjunto de la sociedad, y todo eso esta lejos de ser cumplido, aunque probablemente sea la lucha que mas difícil: la conquista de la armonía social y la felicidad para todos.

Hemos olvidado la solidaridad y la hemos sustituido por consumo, por competitividad, por abandono a nuestras comunidades, familias, parejas y por una sociedad basada en un no-compromiso. Fluidamente des-comprometida, o solo comprometida con “las causas justas”.

¿Qué quieren las mujeres ahora en política del espacio público?. Los estudios de la economía no reflejan nuestro anhelo, solo nos dan cifras de producción domesticas, violaciones, muertas o salud reproductiva. Es muy interesante observar bajo que tipos de indicadores se nos analiza.

Con la caída del muro de Berlin y hasta el 11-M, ha habido ya suficientes indicios de que es necesario reformular el paradigma para un mundo mas justo, para todos.. también para las mujeres. Tenemos que ser capaces de responder a la multiplicidad de intereses de las mujeres en España, es cuestión de repensar el poder y reclamar una redistribución del mismo con perspectivas plurales, autónomas, abiertas a la posibilidad de influir en los recursos y acciones para el cambio de paradigma.

La renovación democrática del uso del espacio público para las mujeres es urgente y necesaria. Los signos son claros. No hay que prohibir, hay que buscar propuestas alternativas generadas desde la sociedad civil. En esa perspectiva de trabajo: igualdad, democracia y ciudadanía es como se construye el mundo en paz, y lo contrario es la guerra.

¿Cómo podemos superar creativamente la huella de lo masculino como forma autoritarista en los paradigmas del derecho de expresión del espacio público y la ciudadanía? ¿Cómo hacer para que todos estemos representados sin conflicto? ¿Cómo superar las injusticias sociales de base, ni la cultura autoritaria que impide de base que la mujer se exprese? ¿Cómo se pueden desarrollar relaciones más equitativas entre la municipalidad y los recién llegados o los diferentes? ¿ Que tienen que hacer los gobernantes cuando tienen poder político y no saben nada de dialogo multicultural?.¿ En que consiste profundizar en la justicia, la libertad y la democracia?

No tengo respuestas para todo, pero quizás en un futuro cercano seamos capaces, plásticamente y creativamente de encontrar algunas. Ojala que todo el mundo pueda ejercer su derecho a la ciudadanía global de una manera libre y en paz.

El repte de ser persona, avui.

2010-06-17T00:39:00.000-07:00

Abordar la governança, el lideratge i la participació política amb una perspectiva transformadora de gènere implica considerar les dones com a persones responsables capaces de prendre decisions i imprescindibles per als processos de democratització en les seves societats. Aquesta conferència tracta de fer visibles les causes de les desigualtats dintre del context asiàtic i cercar vies més sostenible per eliminar les barreres que impedeixen la participació de les dones i la seva representació en els àmbits de presa de decisions. En el cas del sud-est asiàtic és bastant cridaner, especialment en relació amb la participació i representació política de les dones. Malgrat les fortes manifestacions de patriarcats locals representats a través de diverses coaccions de gènere que varien d'un país a un altre, d'una divisió molt clara de rols, estereotips i prejudicis sobre el paper de les dones en la societat, aquesta regió té una destacada trajectòria en matèria de participació i representació política de les dones.

El repte de ser dona al sud-est asiàtic

Concha Pinós

17 de Juny a les 20.30h, al Centre Cultural de Granollers,

carrer Joan Camps, 1 de Granollers

Tailandia en crisis ¿ hay salida? por Juan Manuel Lopez Nadal en Casa Asia

2010-06-16T05:39:00.001-07:00


	Conferencia "Tailandia en crisis: ¿hay salida?"


Actividad		En esta conferencia se analizará la crisis política en Tailandia que se prolonga desde ya hace casi cinco años. En ella confluyen reivindicaciones sociales y políticas con una descarnada lucha por el poder. Este estado de cosas y las incertidumbres que se proyectan en la perspectiva de la sucesión en la Corona complican la previsión de escenarios futuros.

Organizador		Casa Asia en el marco de EU Plan Nacional para la Alianza de Civilizaciones.

Fecha de inicio		21/06/2010

Fecha de finalización		21/06/2010

Lugar		Sede de Casa Asia Auditorio Tagore Av. Diagonal, 373 Barcelona

Horario		De 19 a 20.30 h

Precio		Entrada libre. Aforo limitado.

Ponente		A cargo de: Juan Manuel López Nadal, ex embajador de España en Bangkok (2004-2009) y actual embajador en Misión Especial para Asia. Presentación a cargo de: Rafael Bueno, director de Política y Sociedad de Casa Asia.

Información adicional		La crisis política en Tailandia se prolonga desde ya hace casi cinco años. El último episodio de la confrontación entre las fuerzas progubernamentales y los llamados camisas rojas se saldó con 88 muertos y cerca de 2.000 heridos. La emergencia en la vida política tailandesa del multimillonario Thaksin Shinawatra en los albores del nuevo siglo transformó radicalmente los parámetros que habían presidido el largo reinado de Bhumibol Adulyadej. El polémico legado de Thaksin divide a la sociedad tailandesa en dos bloques antagónicos. Todo esto ha abocado al país a una situación de inestabilidad crónica, de la que no parece capaz de salir. En la crisis tailandesa confluyen reivindicaciones sociales y políticas con una descarnada lucha por el poder. Este estado de cosas y las incertidumbres que se proyectan en la perspectiva de la sucesión en la Corona complican la previsión de escenarios futuros.

Contacta		Sede de Casa Asia Auditorio Tagore Av. Diagonal, 373 Barcelona Tel: 93 368 08 36 casaasia@casaasia.es

Enlace		Más información en PDF

El Valor de la Esperanza en Birmania- Conferencia U Ashin Sopaka- Casa Asia

2010-06-16T05:36:00.001-07:00


Actividad		U Ashin Sopaka, venerable monje birmano, al frente de unos sesenta monasterios en Birmania y creador del Movimiento por la Paz y la Libertad en Birmania cuyo principal lema es 'Paz interior es paz exterior', nos ofrecerá en esta conferencia su experiencia y visión de la situación actual en Birmania. La conferencia se celebra en el marco del 65 aniversario de la Premio Nobel de la Paz Aung San Suu Kyi.

Organizador		Casa Asia y Birmania por la Paz

Fecha de inicio		18/06/2010

Fecha de finalización		18/06/2010

Lugar		Sede de Casa Asia Sala Samarcanda Av. Diagonal, 373 Barcelona

Horario		De 19.30 h a 21.00 h

Precio		Entrada libre. Aforo limitado.

Ponente		A cargo de: U Ashin Sopaka, venerable monje birmano, activista socialmente comprometido con la justicia social de Birmania y del Sudeste Asiático. Presentación a cargo de: Concha Pinós, directora de Birmania por la Paz. Rafael Bueno, director de Política y Sociedad de Casa Asia.

Contacta		Sede de Casa Asia Sala Samarcanda Av. Diagonal, 373 Barcelona 93 368 08 36 casaasia@casaasia.es

Enlace		Información en PDF

CATALUNYA CELEBRA EL 65 ANIVERSARIO DE DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI- SANT CUGAT Y BARCELONA- ACTOS OFICIALES

2010-06-14T07:09:00.000-07:00

Sant Cugat celebra el 65è aniversari d’Aung San Suu Kyi

Els actes comptaran amb la presència del venerable mestre budista i

líder social birmà U Asin Sopaka

Barcelona, 10 de juny de 2010.- Birmania por la Paz, Unipau, Club Muntanyec de Sant Cugat, Ajuntament de Sant Cugat (Casal de Cultura) i Amics de l’Ofici de Viure, amb la col·laboració de Casa Àsia, es complau en convidar-los als esdeveniments commemoratius del 65è aniversari de la líder birmana i Premi Nobel de la Pau Aung San Suu Kyi.

Els actes es desenvoluparan a Sant Cugat entre els dies 16 i 20 juny i giraran entorn la Pau, la Reconciliació i els Drets Humans a Birmània.

Així mateix, les celebracions de l’aniversari de San Suu Kyi comptaran amb la presència d’U Asin Sopaka, venerable mestre budista i un dels principals líders de la revolució noviolenta que l’any 2007 va posar entre les cordes la Junta Militar birmana. En la seva primera visita a Espanya ens parlarà del futur del seu país y del rol de la Societat Civil y el valor de l’esperança.

Els actes previstos son:

Dia 16: Exposició Fotogràfica Sala de Parts Birmània, per Irene Laxmi. 14 retrats de dones que relaten el llarg viatge per una maternitat lliure. Club Muntanyenc de Sant Cugat. Plaça de la Vila nº2.

Dia 18: Projecció de la pel·lícula Més enllà de Rangún, de John Boorman. Laura (Patricia Arquette), una metgessa nord-americana, troba un nou sentit a al seva vida quan topa amb una manifestació a Rangún i queda encantada por la presència d’Aung San Suu Kyi. Casal de Cultura. C/ Castellví s/n. 19:00h.

Dia 19: Teatre infantil de carrer La princesa Laca en la llunyana Birmània. Una bonica princesa artista viu sota el mandat d’un superbiós tirà. Plaça Barcelona. 12:00h.

Inauguració oficial de l’exposició Sala de parts Birmània. Amb la presència d’U Asin Sopaka. Club Muntanyenc de Sant Cugat. Plaça de la Vila nº2. 13:00h.

18a Trobada d’Amics de l’Ofici de Viure. Les paraules de la Pau . Plaça Barcelona de 18:00 a 20:00h.

Conferència d’U Asin Sopaka: Necessitem esperança a Birmània. El venerable activista desenvoluparà la seva teoria i praxis sobre el Budisme Socialment Compromès a Birmània. Plaça Barcelona de 20: 00 a 20:40h. A continuació: Meditació silenciosa i encesa d’espelmes per la Pau a Birmània. 20:45 a 21:00h.

Projecció del documental Burma VJ, nominat als Oscar. Sobre la construcció de l’activisme en el període de la Revolució Safrà a Birmània. Casal de Cultura, C/ Castellví s/n. 22:00h.
Dia 20: Curs El pensament polític de Daw Aung San Suu Kyi en acció. Sobre noviolència, activisme i canvi social a la manera birmana. Amb U Asin Sopaka i Concha Pinós. Places limitades. Casal de Cultura, C/ Castellví s/n 10:00h a 14:00h

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Sant Cugat celebra el 65 aniversario de Aung San Suu Kyi

Los actos contarán con la presencia del venerable maestro budista y

líder social birmano U Asin Sopaka

Barcelona, 10 de junio de 2010.- Birmania por la Paz, Unipau, Club Muntanyec de Sant Cugat, Ajuntament de Sant Cugat (Casal de Cultura) y Amics de l´Ofici de Viure, con la colaboración de Casa Àsia, se complace en invitarles a los eventos conmemorativos del 65 aniversario de la líder birmana y Premio Nobel de la Paz Aung San Suu Kyi.

Los actos se desarrollarán en Sant Cugat entre los días 16 y 20 junio y girarán entorno la Paz, la Reconciliación y los Derechos Humanos en Birmania.

Así mismo, las celebraciones del aniversario de San Suu Kyi contarán con la presencia de U Asin Sopaka, venerable maestro budista y uno de los principales líderes de la revolución noviolenta que en 2007 puso entre las cuerdas la Junta Militar birmana. En su primera visita a España nos hablará del futuro de su país, del rol de la Sociedad Civil y el valor de la esperanza.

Así, los actos previstos son:

Dia 16: Exposición Fotográfica Sala de Partos Birmania, por Irene Laxmi. 14 retratos de mujeres que relatan el largo viaje por una maternidad libre. Club Muntanyenc de Sant Cugat. Plaça de la Vila nº2.

Dia 18: Conferencia U Asin Sopaka: El valor de la esperanza en Birmania. Casa Àsia Avda Diagonal 373, Barcelona. 19:30h.

Proyección de la película Más allá de Rangún, de John Boorman. Laura (Patricia Arquette), una médico norte americana, encuentra un nuevo sentido a su vida cuando topa con una manifestación en Rangún y queda hechizada por la presencia de Aung San Suu Kyi. Casal de Cultura. C/ Castellví s/n. 19:00h.

Dia 19: Teatro infantil de calle La princesa Laca en la lejana Birmania. Una hermosa princesa artista vive bajo el mandato de un soberbio tirano. Plaça Barcelona. 12:00h.

Inauguración oficial de la exposición Sala de partos Birmania. Con la presencia de U Asin Sopaka. Club Muntanyec de Sant Cugat. Plaça de la Vila nº2. 13:00h.

18ª Encuentro de Amics de l’Ofici de Viure. Las palabras de la PAZ . Plaça Barcelona de 18:00 a 20:00h.

Conferencia de U Asin Sopaka: Necesitamos esperanza en Birmania. El venerable activista desarrollara toda su teoría y praxis sobre el Budismo Socialmente Comprometido en Birmania. Plaça Barcelona de 20:00 a 20:40h. A continuación: Meditación silenciosa y encendido de velas por la Paz em Birmania. 20:45 a 21:00h.

Proyección del documental Burma VJ, nominado a los Oscar. Sobre la construcción del activismo en el período de la Revolución Azafrán en Birmania. Casal de Cultura, C/ Castellví s/n. 22:00h.

Dia 20: Curso El pensamiento político de Daw Aung San Suu Kyi en acción. Sobre noviolencia, activismo y cambio social a la manera birmana. Con U Asin Sopaka y Concha Pinós. Plazas limitadas. Casal de Cultura, C/ Castellví s/n 10:00h a 14:00h

Si desea concertar alguna entrevista con los ponentes del evento o quiere recibir información detallada sobre la situación en Birmania no dude en ponerse en contacto con nosotros.

Cordialmente,

Joan Ortiz i Serra.

Prensa.

direccion@birmaniaporlapaz.org www.birmaniaporlapaz.org www.porlaconcordia.org

Elections in Myanmar offer hope of change byThe International Institute for Strategic Studies

2010-06-09T07:21:00.000-07:00

Myanmar is preparing to hold its first national elections in 20 years. Although no date has been set as yet, the educated guess among Burmese is that they will take place in the last quarter of 2010. The military junta – which is holding the elections primarily to ensure its own survival in the face of widespread and long-running popular dissent, as well as international opprobrium – has passed election laws which have been heavily criticised internationally. Nevertheless, they still offer some hope for change from the current system.

In 2003 the regime announced a ‘seven-step roadmap to democracy’. Step four consisted of a controversial referendum on a new constitution, staged shortly after Cyclone Nargis devastated much of the country in 2008, and the holding of elections represents the fifth stage of that plan. The election will be to the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Assembly) which is made up of two houses of parliament – the Pyithu Hluttaw (People’s Assembly/lower house) and the Amyotha Hluttaw (National Assembly/upper house). The new constitution allows for a limited level of local autonomy through 14 regional legislatures for the seven regions in which ethnic Burmese are in the majority and the seven states which are dominated by ethnic minorities. But the constitution also ensures that 25% of seats at both national and local level are held by the army, prompting international protests.

The motivations of the regime are chiefly to be able to control what comes next. Senior General Than Shwe does not see the elections as a means to improve Myanmar’s relations with the United States and other Western powers or as a step towards the lifting of international sanctions. Rather he is motivated by a need to secure a favourable succession, ensuring that he and his family are safe within the new system. Not holding elections could leave him vulnerable to another military coup and with it a loss of control, wealth and security.

NLD opts not to run

On 29 March the National League for Democracy (NLD), the main opposition party, said it would not take part in the elections because of the ‘unjust’ election laws. Its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi was reported by her lawyer as saying that she would ‘never dream of registering the party under such unfair laws’. Though the NLD easily won the 1990 elections, they were never allowed to take power. Aung San Suu Kyi, who won the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize, has been under house arrest for 14 of the past 20 years.

The election laws bar anyone currently serving a prison sentence from being a member of a political party, and require parties with disqualified members to expel them or face dissolution. Though most of the NLD leadership and students who took part in a wave of protests against the regime in 1988 have completed their sentences, many ethnic-minority opposition leaders are still in detention. According to the NLD’s interpretation of the laws, it would have to throw out Aung San Suu Kyi, as she remains under house arrest. It is possible, however, that the Election Commission might have decided, as it did in 1990, that house arrest was not the same as a prison sentence, thus allowing her to remain head of the NLD and stand for election.

The boycott was not surprising given the NLD’s so-called ‘Shwegondaing Declaration’ in April 2009, which called for a review of the new constitution. However, the effect of the decision is that a large part of the population, who would have wished to vote for what is seen as Myanmar’s only genuine opposition party, will now have to decide whether to vote for another party or to abstain. Because it is not registering for the election, the NLD will cease to exist as a political organisation and its offices around the country – which have just reopened – will close once again.

While the decision was presented as unanimous, there were dissenting voices within the NLD, but they did not want to be seen to oppose their leader. Pragmatists had argued that it should take part in the elections in order to offer voters real choice, and this group has now announced that it has applied to register itself as a new party. It is also possible that some of them will stand as independent candidates. NLD youth leaders have meanwhile been travelling around the country explaining that while the NLD will cease to be recognised as political party, it will continue to exist through its social work.

Other political parties

Thirty-nine political parties have applied to register, and all applications have been approved so far, though the total is smaller than in 1990. Of these 39 parties, only about 15 are national parties (with more than 1,000 members), the rest are regional parties only (with around 500 members). Five out of the ten previously existing parties have been accepted for re-registration. The Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), the regime’s social organisation of which all civil servants are mandatory members, will be fielding candidates under its new political branch, the Union Solidarity and Development Party. Its list of candidates is already publicly available on the Internet and includes many current government ministers, who are resigning from their military posts in preparation for the election. These candidates will, therefore, count as civilians despite their military background, greatly increasing the military’s influence beyond the 25% of seats automatically allocated to it.

The National Unity Party (NUP), successor to the Burma Socialist Programme Party led by General Ne Win, has been accepted for registration while other smaller parties have also applied for registration. These include seven ethnic-minority parties such as the Pa-O National Organisation, the Kayin People’s party and the Chin National Party. The minority parties are running in the hope of bringing about changes at a regional level, such as the introduction of minority languages in schools and perhaps gaining a greater say over the natural resources located in their areas. However, many groups are wary of legitimising an electoral process which they see as consolidating military rule.

The situation in the ethnic-minority states

Out of a total population of 53 million, around two-thirds are Bamar (ethnic Burmese) and the remainder comprises the ethnic minorities. Ethnic-minority groups are mainly based in Myanmar’s border regions. Since independence from British rule in 1948, these groups, as well as different elite groupings within ethnic communities, have had distinct conceptions of what kind of nation Myanmar was to become, especially in relation to the division of power between centre and region. The colonial legacy of divide-and-rule had entrenched differences between the Bamar majority and other ethnic-minority groups. The diverse minority groups have challenged the state since its inception, some asking for greater autonomy and some for outright independence. The army justifies its position in power by arguing that it is the only institution which can guarantee the unity of the country. While the most publicised conflict is that against the Karen, the Tatmadaw (Burmese military) has been at war with many other groups for between 40 and 60 years. Over the course of the last 20 years ceasefires have been agreed with 18 groups including the large armies of the Kachin (such as the Kachin Independence Army, or KIA), the Wa and some of the Shan groups.

A smooth election will depend on the regime’s relations with ethnic minorities, which remain highly volatile, and any resumption of conflict could throw a spanner in the works. The seven-step roadmap had envisioned that ethnic militias who were party to ceasefire agreements with the government would be transformed into border guards under Burmese military command. This process was to have been completed before the announcement of the election.

Seventeen armed ethnic groups have accepted some form of government proposals. Those that have been formally inducted into the Border Guard Force (BGF) battalions include the New Democratic Army (Kachin), the Karenni Nationalities People’s Liberation Front, and the Kokang. Others have been allowed to form semi-autonomous local militias, like the Kachin Defence Army in Northern Shan State and the La Sang Awng Wa Group in Kachin State.

In autumn 2009 the Kokang’s refusal to join the BGF led to conflict on the border with China. Both Myanmar Chinese and illegal ethnic-Chinese migrants fled into China, causing damage to Chinese property on both sides of the border. The Kokang were beaten and agreed to become border guards. This outcome is, however, not to be expected with larger, more powerful groups. After the passing of several deadlines, the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), the New Mon State Party, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the Shan State Army-North and the Karen Peace Council have all rejected the regime’s advances and are actively rearming. The KIO proposed to convert the KIA – its military wing – into a ‘Union Defence Force’ but not under the terms of the BGF, and retaining its command over any new force. This led to a stalemate between the regime and the KIO leadership. However, the government is understood to be considering a KIO proposal to form a committee, composed of representatives from both sides, as well as mediators or respected community leaders, to consider the transformation of the KIO and the KIA.

Following the passing of the latest deadline on 28 April for the assimilation of ethnic militias into border guards, the government’s next steps are unclear. Ethnic groups had been warned that if they continued to oppose the regime’s offer their ceasefire status would be revoked and that they would be declared illegal organisations. Clashes between government troops and UWSA units occurred on 23 and 24 April 2010, though the army maintains this was an error as it believed it was fighting another group. If groups do not comply and conflict resumes, it is likely that a state of emergency will be declared in conflict-affected regions and that citizens there will not be allowed to stand or vote. In areas in Shan and Karen states where no ceasefire is in place, voters are unlikely to be allowed to go to the polls as the election laws stipulate that elections can only be held in the absence of conflict. In light of the NLD’s decision not to stand, the absence of adequate ethnic representation and ethnic opposition parties would further put the legitimacy of the elections in doubt.

Less rigid control

Since Cyclone Nargis devastated southern regions of Myanmar in 2008, the atmosphere in Yangon, the country’s largest city, has changed. Censorship has been relaxed and articles critical of the government have been published. There is a limited but noticeable level of public debate regarding the election, and people in Yangon teashops talk about the possible changes that the elections could bring. In spite of the stark division between government and opposition, there is a growing number of individuals – not necessarily connected with each other – who believe that however flawed and faulty the constitution and the election process, it is the only way to bring about some measure of change.

Such individuals work through civil-society organisations, which in turn are active in the health and education sectors throughout the country. There is also a small but growing urban middle class whose wealth allows them to ‘buy out’ of the state sector and who educate their children privately – there has been a steep rise in private schools, which were legalised in December 2009. At the same time, international organisations have become far more involved since the cyclone, with some taking over entire floors of hotels. Their work is still difficult as they need official permission to travel and implement programmes, but their presence is a big change from the days when there were hardly any foreign faces in Yangon. The International Labour Organisation in particular has been able to work quietly but successfully towards the reduction of forced and child labour.

Meanwhile, the government has undertaken a privatisation drive resulting in the sell-off of large numbers of public assets, including prime modern real estate, as well as old colonial buildings including old ministries in Yangon following the move of the capital to Nay Pyi Taw in 2005. This has raised money for the regime and has entrenched economic power with some of the regime’s cronies. The USDA has embarked on social projects which include the development of roads, schools and clinics, as well as providing financial loans to some townships in what is seen as a move to guarantee votes.

Much still remains to be known about the precise organisation of the elections and the limits that may surround them – for example, which parties will have their application for registration approved, and which will not. Largely this election will be carried out by ‘proxy’, as many central figures will not be standing but are nevertheless encouraging others to stand. A bomb attack in April during the water festival on one of Yangon’s busiest streets, as well as smaller-scale attacks at the Myitsone dam project, Kachin State, and at the Thaukyegat hydropower plant under construction in Bago Division suggest that regardless of how it is organised, the election process is unlikely to be smooth.

No matter how restrictive the process and the ultimate results, these elections do offer hope for change. They have resulted in an increase in political and social discussion, and there is optimism in some quarters that this will be maintained when the elections are over. They may be the first step in a very long process.

¿Reunes todos los requisitios para hacer un VOLUNTARIADO CREATIVO este verano en el Sudeste Asiático?

2010-06-08T12:21:00.000-07:00

Eres una persona creativa, un artista con la necesidad de enseñar a otros, un profesor o trabajador social desilusionado, eres un artista en el traje de un ejecutivo y ya no puedes más con todo esto.

Entonces quizás quieres saber lo que hacemos en el Sudeste Asiático.

Estamos buscando personas creativas que quieran viajar con un proposito más allá de la huida hacia si mismos, entregarse a otros y contribuir a las comunidades asiaticas

Si sabes cantar o bailar, tocar algun instrumento, eres bueno con la fotografía, lo tuyo es pintar, esculpes como nadie, diseñar en tus ratos libres, haces tu ropa, manejas los titeres, te encanta el teatro, lo tuyo son las cámaras o disfrutas haciendo huertos sostenibles... Entonces este es tu programa de voluntarios internacionales

¿Sabrias organizar una exposicion en un campo de refugiados?, ¿una obra de teatro en un hospital infantil?, ¿Enseñarias trucos de magia a los chicos de la selva?, ¿Redecorarias las tiendas de las mujeres indigenas?, ¿Sabrias ayudarles a crear un cómic?... Si tienes ganas de ser innovador, eres auto-responsable, maduro y quieres echar una mano en un proyecto internacional creativo de comunidades asiaticas.. este es tu proyecto.

Si te apasiona el encuentro con el otro, aunque no seas muy creativo pero tienes pasión por el arte y tienes un mes este verano, escribenos

TRADUCTORES DEL CASTELLANO AL ITALIANO POR LA PAZ Y LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS EN BIRMANIA

2010-06-08T02:12:00.000-07:00

TRADUCCIÓN SÍ, GUERRA NO

A lo largo de la historia han sido dos las formas básicas de comunicación entre los pueblos: la traducción y la guerra. La interacción entre ambas es compleja, pero cabría afirmar que, si la guerra es una señal del fracaso y la imposibilidad del diálogo, la traducción es un instrumento que crea puentes entre sociedades, culturas y religiones. Mucho más allá del mero trasvase de palabras de una lengua a otra, la traducción constituye un elemento esencial para enriquecer nuestra comprensión del otro y convertir los logros alcanzados por las diferentes culturas en un acervo común de toda la humanidad.

Birmania por la Paz busca 4 traductores del castellano al italiano para obras de Paz y Derechos Humanos. Si estas interesado envianos un mail con tu experiencia, disponibilidad a birmaniaporlapaz@yahoo.es

China y Birmania firman 15 acuerdos de cooperacion durante visita oficial

2010-06-08T01:22:00.001-07:00

Bangkok, 3 jun (EFE).- Los gobiernos de China y Birmania (Myanmar) firmaron hoy 15 acuerdos de cooperación, con motivo de la visita del primer ministro chino, Wen Jiabao, y que coincide con el 60 aniversario del establecimiento de relaciones diplomáticas.

Los memorandos rubricados en Naypyidaw, la capital, son de asistencia al desarrollo, las obras de un gasoducto, una planta de energía, proyectos mineros, comercio y transporte.

Wen Jiabao se reunió además con el jefe de la Junta Militar birmana, el general Than Shwe, y con el primer ministro birmano, Thein Sein.

Ambos jefes de Gobierno tienen previsto presidir después los actos oficiales organizados con ocasión del sexagésimo aniversario de las relaciones diplomáticas entre las dos naciones vecinas.

La visita de Wen Jiabao, la primera de un primer ministro chino en 16 años, se produce cuando Birmania se prepara para celebrar elecciones generales en la segunda mitad del año, en una fecha aún por anunciarse.

Birmania está gobernada por una dictadura militar desde 1962 y no ha recurrido a las urnas en dos décadas, desde que el régimen perdió abrumadoramente ante la Nobel de la Paz Aung San Suu Kyi y su partido, la Liga Nacional para la Democracia (LND), y desacató el resultado.

La LND pasó el mes pasado a la clandestinidad por negarse a registrarse ante la Comisión Electoral en protesta por la legislación electoral aprobada por el Gobierno.

Suu Kyi tampoco participará en los comicios porque se encuentra bajo arresto domiciliario, una pena que ha sufrido 15 de los últimos 21 años.

La visita oficial de Wen Jiabao, que comenzó el miércoles, se centra fundamentalmente en cuestiones comerciales y económicos, y no se han pronunciado declaraciones sobre la situación política o los derechos humanos en Birmania.

El primer ministro chino regresará mañana a su país y pondrá fin a una gira que le llevó antes por Corea del Sur, Japón y Mongolia.

IAEA chief looking into Burma nuclear report

2010-06-08T01:07:00.000-07:00

The U.N. nuclear watchdog said it was looking into a report that military-ruled Myanmar was aiming to develop nuclear weapons.
Monday, 07 June 2010 23:42

The U.N. nuclear watchdog said on Monday it was looking into a report that military-ruled Myanmar was aiming to develop nuclear weapons.

Yukiya Amano, head of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), also said that if necessary the Vienna-based body may ask for clarification from Myanmar.

Accounts of suspected nuclear plans surfaced last year, but Myanmar has never confirmed or denied any nuclear ambitions.

Last week, an investigation by an exiled anti-government group said Myanmar was seeking to develop a clandestine nuclear programme with the intent to produce an atomic bomb.

The five-year investigation by the Norway-based Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) concluded that Myanmar, formerly Burma, was a long way from producing a nuclear weapon but had gone to great lengths to acquire the technology and expertise to do so.

If true, it would be the first southeast Asian country with nuclear ambitions and alter the strategic landscape of a fast-growing region whose big countries -- from Indonesia to the Philippines and Thailand -- are closely allied with Washington.

"We have seen the related articles in the media and we are now assessing the information," Amano told a news conference.

"And, if necessary, we will seek clarification from Myanmar," the Japanese diplomat said, speaking on the first day of a meeting of the 35-nation board of the IAEA.

Myanmar is a member of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), a global anti-nuclear arms pact, and of the IAEA.

The DVB report cited a U.S. nuclear scientist assessing evidence provided by Sai Thein Win, a Burmese defence engineer trained in Russia in missile technology.

He said he had defected after working in factories built to develop weapons of mass destruction.

The report prompted a U.S. Senator, Jim Webb, to cancel a trip to Myanmar last Thursday, which he said would be "unwise and inappropriate" in light of the report.

Previous claims by defectors suggest Myanmar had enlisted the help of North Korea, with which it reportedly agreed a memorandum of understanding on military cooperation during a visit by a top general to Pyongyang last year.

Reuters

http://www.worldbulletin.net/news_detail.php?id=59637

Tailandia, entre colores y sombras por Juan Manuel Lopez Nadal

2010-06-08T00:48:00.000-07:00

El pasado 19 de mayo finalizó el último episodio de confrontación en Tailandia. Los camisas rojas fueron desalojados por el Ejército de la extensa zona que habían ocupado en el centro comercial de Bangkok. Quedaba la imagen de una sociedad desgarrada, y un trágico balance de muertos y heridos.

Las políticas progresistas de Thaksin chocan con la trama de corrupción que rodeó su gestión

Los 'camisas amarillas' derribaron en 2008 a dos Gobiernos; los 'rojos' luchan contra el actual

Tailandia se enfrenta a las consecuencias de una división social y política, que le ha abocado a una inestabilidad de la que no parece poder salir. Dos personajes destacan en ese escenario: un anciano monarca carismático, querido por la inmensa mayoría de los ciudadanos; y un polémico magnate de los negocios convertido en político, cuyo legado divide en dos partes al país.

I. Ayer. Los problemas de la Tailandia de hoy solo pueden comprenderse desde una perspectiva histórica. La guerra fría marcó el arranque y consolidación del reinado de Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX), que accedió al trono a los 18 años, tras la enigmática muerte de su hermano Ananda Mahidol (Rama VIII), y que ha protagonizado el reinado más largo de la historia del país. Además del carisma semirreligioso que ha envuelto a los monarcas siameses, Bhumibol ha sabido dar al trono una impronta única. Supo revitalizar esa institución y ahora se teme que su auctoritas no pueda ser asumida en plenitud por su heredero presunto. La monarquía tailandesa tendrá que emprender una reforma sustancial para adaptarse a un futuro diferente.

En estos más de 60 años se han producido numerosas modificaciones constitucionales y se han alternado regímenes militares con períodos de democracia, generalmente breves. El país ha vivido convulsiones violentas en 1973, 1976 y 1992. Dictadores militares y primeros ministros elegidos se han sucedido vertiginosamente.

El único elemento de continuidad en estos 63 años ha sido el rey Bhumibol, que ha dado así estabilidad al país. El establecimiento de una democracia moderna y sólida sigue siendo aún una asignatura pendiente, pero es cierto que durante el presente reinado Tailandia ha experimentado un notable despegue económico, empañado, sin embargo, por su naturaleza desigual, con fuertes desequilibrios entre las clases medias urbanas y las masas rurales.

II. Hoy. El siglo XX finalizó en Tailandia con el estallido de la crisis financiera en 1997-1998. Aunque la sociedad dio muestras de gran capacidad de recuperación, los efectos de la crisis se harían sentir en el plano político.

En 1997 se aprobó la Constitución más democrática de su historia. Se pretendía acabar con un largo período de gobiernos civiles débiles, surgidos de partidos clientelistas, sometidos a la hegemonía de la élite militar-burocrático-aristocrática capitalina de siempre. Pero ese intento no pudo prever la emergencia de un fenómeno nuevo como el thaksinismo. Thaksin Shinawatra es un exitoso hombre de negocios originario de Chiang Mai, de origen chino, que partió del negocio familiar de la seda para levantar un inmenso conglomerado de empresas, la Shin Corporation.

Sobre la base de esta gran fortuna, Thaksin construyó una plataforma política a través del partido Thai Rak Thai (TRT) que, al amparo de la crisis de fines de los noventa, obtuvo en los comicios de 2001 una amplia victoria. Con la compra -literal- de algunos partidos menores, Thaksin se hizo con un poder omnímodo y puso en marcha políticas populistas de condonación de deudas, sistema básico de sanidad y promoción del desarrollo rural. Esa política le brindó la adhesión de las masas campesinas del norte y noreste, hasta entonces marginadas por la élite de Bangkok.

La imagen progresista de esta faceta del thaksinismo no se corresponde con su ejercicio del poder en el plano de las libertades civiles. Thaksin llegó al poder por vías democráticas, pero lo ejerció con sesgo intolerante e injusto. Creó en torno a sí una trama de corrupción inusitada. Confundió los intereses públicos con los privados, infringió los derechos fundamentales con su campaña de ejecuciones extrajudiciales en la "lucha contra la droga" -más de 4.000 asesinatos entre 2001 y 2005-, y reprimió brutalmente la insurrección de las provincias del sur, de mayoría malayo-musulmana. Además, amordazó a los medios de comunicación y manipuló a la judicatura y las instituciones independientes.

La consecuencia fue que, mientras las bases rurales y el subproletariado urbano, agradecidos al único político que se había preocupado de ellos, formaban un sólido bloque electoral thaksinista, otros sectores del país, de origen diverso -élite tradicional, capas urbanas educadas, provincias meridionales discriminadas, etcétera-, formaron un bloque opuesto. La división estaba servida.

Los antithaksinistas adoptarían el color amarillo, con el que mostraron su adhesión al rey y a la monarquía. Los camisas amarillas de la Plataforma Popular por la Democracia (PAD) protagonizarían las movilizaciones de masas que desencadenaron el infausto golpe militar del 19 de septiembre de 2006, que derrocó a Thaksin. Sus distintas corrientes inspirarían la nueva Constitución de 2007, hoy vigente.

Frente al Gobierno promilitar de Surayud Chulanont (2006/2007), apoyado por los amarillos, surgió el movimiento de los camisas rojas -Unión por la Democracia contra la Dictadura (UDD)-. En ese período, Thaksin permaneció en el exilio, liderando a distancia a sus partidarios.

Tanto los camisas rojas como los amarillos son grupos heterogéneos, en los que coexisten reivindicaciones legítimas con oscuros intereses de poder. Los rojos prothaksinistas predominan en los sectores rurales y el proletariado urbano y son hegemónicos en el norte y el noreste. Los amarillos proceden sobre todo de las clases medias urbanas y de la élite tradicional de Bangkok. Los feudos de los amarillos están en Bangkok y en el sur... Los amarillos son hegemónicos en el Ejército, y los rojos en la Policía. Pero en cada sector existen minorías del bando adversario. La división es compleja. Y, como se ha dicho muchas veces, en Tailandia no todo es lo que parece...

Tras las elecciones de diciembre de 2007 el nuevo partido prothaksinista PPP (Partido del Poder Popular) salió vencedor. Pero los amarillos emprendieron movilizaciones a lo largo de 2008, con la ocupación de la Casa de Gobierno, la caída del primer ministro Samak Sundaravej, la toma de los aeropuertos de la capital, y la destitución por los tribunales del Gobierno de Somchai Wongsawat, cuñado de Thaksin.

Se formó en diciembre de 2008 el Gobierno actual, en torno al Partido Demócrata de Abhisit Vejjajiva, que formó una coalición con partidos menores y disidentes del thaksinismo, patrocinada por el Ejército y la burocracia palatina.

La historia más reciente es conocida; si los camisas amarillas pusieron cerco y derribaron a dos Gobiernos en 2008, los camisas rojas juraron venganza y se pusieron desde el primer momento frente a la nueva coalición de Gobierno, que consideran ilegítima. El último episodio de confrontación ha sido el ya descrito, con el triste balance de 88 muertos y cerca de 2.000 heridos.

III. Mañana. La escena que prevalece estos días en Tailandia es la de la desolación frente a las secuelas del enfrentamiento y la división. Los rojos deberían considerar la conveniencia de romper los vínculos que les atan a Thaksin. Los amarillos deberían desprenderse de las lacras feudales y reaccionarias de un sistema anacrónico.

El diálogo y la conciliación son indispensables. Quienes han cometido infracciones a la ley, sean rojos o amarillos, deben ser tratados por igual y los responsables de las tropelías -incluyendo a quienes las manipularon y financiaron desde el exterior- deben hacer frente a sus responsabilidades. Algunos expertos proponen la formación de un ejecutivo de unidad, que auspiciase las reformas constitucionales previas a la apertura de un proceso electoral limpio, cuyos resultados deberían respetar todos. Esta actitud conciliadora es aún más necesaria cuando Tailandia se encuentra en las postrimerías de un reinado que ha marcado, con sus luces y sus sombras, más de 60 años de su historia reciente.

Ante las incertidumbres del futuro, los tailandeses deberían acreditar sus virtudes naturales: el rechazo a la violencia y a la confrontación, la solidaridad entre familiares y vecinos, la ayuda mutua, la compasión y la armonía; en una palabra, el mensaje que emana del budismo theravada que siguen en su mayoría. En definitiva, es el pueblo tailandés el que ha de determinar pacífica y libremente su propio destino.

Juan Manuel López-Nadal es diplomático.

Felicidades James Mackay- Premio al documentalista y fotografo britanico por su trabajo en Birmania

2010-06-07T10:45:00.000-07:00

Nos complace anunciar que el documentalista y fotografo britanico James Mackay, que tan noblemente ha servido al Fotoperiodismo en general y a Birmania en particular ha sido galardonado con dos premios por dos piezas separadas de Birmania en la sección de Fotoperiodismo Politico en la Categoria de profesionales fotografos de este año en el " Premio de la Fotografia de Paris" (PX3), 2010

Mas información http://www.enigmaiges.net/

La depuracion despues de la batalla de Bangkok por Concha Pinós

2010-05-31T11:30:00.000-07:00

La policia militar y los cuerpos de inteligencia en Tailandia han aumentado el ratio de inspección hacia el norte del pais de aquellos sospechosos , aliados o simpatizantes responsables de las protestas que paralizaron Bangkok.

Human Rights Watch y Amnesty International ya denunciaron que el uso de la munición empleada contra los manifestantes de Bangkok no era simplemente " antidisturbios", si no que se utilizaron misiles propios de conflictos de alta intensidad.

Los esfuerzos del Primer Tailandes para que Tailanda vuelva a la normalidad contemplan formatos que recuerdan signos de violencia propio de guerra de estado contra la población ( no hay garantias en los arrestos). Thaksin que llego al poder en un golpe militar no ha desestimado usar desde fuerzas de inteligencia, espias o soldados que pudieran aportar informacion de calle sobre las protestas y los protestantes.

El mismo formato que uso en BKK ahora se ha exportado a las provincias del Norte, Noreste y Centro del pais.

Los camisas rojas que han sido devueltos a sus pueblos, han tenido que hacerlo con 88 cadaveres a sus espaldas y más de 1000 heridos. Ellos por su parte han dejado un regero de destrozos en Bangkok dignos de pelicula, incluyendo el ataque al segundo centro comercial más grande de Asia.

Muchos de los camisas rojas se entregaron, fueron interrogados o detenidos, pero el movimiento en sí mismo no ha desaparecido, esperara agazapado el mejor formato y oportunidad para reaparecer al acecho del Primer

El país se ha dividido, Thaksin no ha devuelto la politica al Parlamento y por contra ha utilizado metodos tan mafiosos como aquel que tanto critica

SALA DE PARTOS BIRMANIA- EXPOSICION FOTOGRAFICA HASTA EL 16 DE JUNIO EN EL MUSEU DE LA HISTORIA DE LA INMIGRACION DE CATALUNYA

2010-05-31T11:23:00.000-07:00

Delivery Room Burma, Sala de Partos Birmania. Exposición fotografica de la autora Irene Laxmi que narrá el terrible viaje de las mujeres birmanas para llegar a parir al otro lado de la frontera podra verse en Sant Adrià- MUSEU D´HISTORIA DE INMIGRACIO DE CATALUNYA hasta el proximo 16 de Junio. Despues podreis verla en Sant Cugat del Vallés.

HRW PIDE A CHINA QUE INCLUYA DERECHOS HUMANOS EN LA AGENDA CON LOS LIDERES BIRMANOS

2010-05-31T11:11:00.000-07:00

HRW pidio hoy al primer ministro chino, Wen Jiabao, que exprese su preocupacion por la situacion de los derechos humanos en Birmania, durante su viaje oficial a este pais
En una carta oficial al primer ministro, la organizacion pidio que reflexione y no apoye prematuramente las elecciones de la Junta Militar ya que no hay garantias que vayan a ser limpias.
Eleaine Pearson directora de HRW en Asia, comento que los intereses de China no estan bien representados por una dictadura vecina que abusa de la población y empobrece el país.
HRW reconoce que China puede tener gran influencia en el futuro politico de Birmania por ser uno de los escasos amigos y aliados de la Junta Militar.
La doctrina de China de no injerir en asuntos internos podria no aplicarse en esta ocasión, ya que todos los conflictos derivados de Birmania ( refugiados, desplazados, minas,...) podrian afectar severamente a la estabilidad de la región y eso incluye el propio gigante asiatico

La poesia de Saw Wai finalmente liberada con cuatro meses de retraso despues de dos años en la carcel- Reporteros sin Fronteras

2010-05-31T10:54:00.000-07:00

Ha sido el pasado 26 de Mayo cuando el poeta ha podido finalmente poner el pie en la calle. Cuatro meses más tarde de lo previsto en su condena. Ha cumplido dos años de prisión por escribir un poema que criticaba al gran Than Shwe.
Aprovechamos para recordar que los bloqueadores Nay Phone Latt y Zarganar, asi como diferentes periodistas todavia continuan presos, con penas de hasta 45 años.
Birmania tiene el ranking de los primeros paises del mundo segun Reporteros sin Fronteras en la falta de libertad de expresión, tal y como considera la entidad a Than Shwe es " un predador de la libertad de prensa"

¿Pueden los mediadores en Birmania, considerar la dimensión economica del conflicto? por Concha Pinós

2010-05-28T09:18:00.000-07:00

Hace tan solo un par de días hemos conocido la noticia que Birmania acepta la Misión de EU para las proximas elecciones. Reflexionando despues de los ultimos sucesos de Bangkok, me preguntaba como podemos pasar del Conflicto a la Construcción de Paz en el Sudeste Asiatico, y que rol tienen la disputa de los recursos naturales y el medio ambiente como argumento de peso.

El 40 % de los conflictos en Asia desde 1960 tienen que ver con el control de los recursos naturales de la zona. Más de un tercio de los acuerdos de paz logrados en los conflictos asiaticos se vincularon a la gestion y gobernabilidad de los recursos naturales. Gran parte de los acuerdos pactados no fueron respetados más allá de los cinco años.

Todas estas abstracciones no hacen más que provocarnos preguntas en la mente sobre cúal puede ser la relación entre los conflictos en el Sudeste Asiático y el control de los recursos naturales. Hasta que punto los mediadores comulgan o no con esta tesis, y cual es el riego potencial de ignorarla.

Hablando en plata, que el 40 % de los conflictos en Asia tenga que ver con el control de los recursos naturales hace que vayamos un poco más allá a la hora de definir tambien la tipologia de conflicto o guerra vinculada a los recursos. Podriamos dividirlos en dos tipos de escenario: aquellos que se inician por el control de los recursos en si mismos y aquellos conflictos que se realizan para usar un recurso determinado en la batalla.

Los escenarios pueden incluir la lucha por recursos como el territorio, con ejemplos notables como Nepal o Tibet. Otras disputas influenciadas por el control de lo que se denomina la abundancia de un recurso natural- pero que requiere una explotación derivada- como Iraq o Afganistán. Las disputas sobre el control del gas natural por ejemplo crearon las famosas luchas en Aceh.

Desde la Guerra Fría han habido muchos casos de guerras que podrian llamarse más " campañas militares" para la obtención de un recurso natural para financiar el control de la misma. Como las minas de jade y rubí en Birmania, ... o el opio. Es entonces el recurso en sí mismo y su venta lo que sirve a " los señores de la guerra" como fuente de financiación para continuar su barbarie ( ejercitos de Cambodia o Birmania). La investigación sobre el origen y la financiación de los grupos armados que provocan conflictos en Asia apunta a que gran parte de los minerales, metales o recursos por manufacturar como el cobre, coltan, wolframita, oro, son el objeto y la moneda para continuar la batalla.

¿Pero que pasa cuando los recursos naturales son los seres humanos?. Estoy hablando de trafico humano, esclavitud, campos de trabajo forzado que ademas se utilizan para obtener los recursos en cuestión.

El uso de estos recursos como fuente de financiación influye en la naturaleza, duración y trayectora del conflicto en innumerables vias. Así que no podemos menos que remarcar a los mediadores que marquen en sus agendas la necesidad de considerar las partes en los conflictos como partes interesadas en recursos naturales.

Si los mediadores en los conflictos no consideran el rol de los recursos naturales como un aspecto fundamental ¿qué consideran entonces fundamental?. Los mediadores entienden que los ejes son más politicos y de seguridad, tienen la percepción erronea que la economia es algo que se puede negociar despues de los acuerdos de paz. La sensibilidad de su negociación se basa en negociar los beneficios de los recursos pero no el como se extraen, quien los controla ni a quien se desposee con ello.

El posible rechazo de los mediadores a la hora de llamar a las cosas por su nombre puede venir de pasadas predisposiciones negociadoras- condicionadas por el concepto en como conciben el mundo- Perspectiva de Guerra Fria-. Los mediadores tienen además unos mandatos tremendamente breves y condicionados a resultados a corto plazo que sin visiones economicas globales no pueden conducir a ningun resultado.

Nuestra recomendación a los que escogen a los mediadores son las siguientes: ¿ a que intereses estan obedeciendo los mediadores? ¿ obedecen a una vision de mapa de recursos naturales o simplemente a geo estrategia politica y de seguridad?, ¿que compañias manufacturadoras de recursos pueden estar incidiendo politicamente en la mediación ?. La mediación deben incluir una monitorizacion post-acuerdo más amplia en terminos de implementacion de mecanismos que protejan los recursos naturales de la tierra. Poner limites a los gobiernos en transición de las dictaduras hacia la democracia, incentivos de apoyo a la sociedad civil para que monitoree el proceso democratico y el control de los recursos.

¿Cómo se puede restaurar la soberania de un pueblo partiendo de la gestion de sus recursos naturales?. Los brokers de la paz deben tener en consideracion la ecuación entre paz y justicia, deben abogar por la responsabilidad economica de los crimenes derivados de la guerra de los recursos. Procurando que aquellos gobiernos, ejercitos y compañias que hayan violado las comunidades o hayan sido facilitadores en los conflictos armados: sea proveyendo armas, manufacturando los recursos o distribuyendolos son tan responsables como aquellos que disparan directamente a los civiles.

Mu Sochua, participacion democratica de las mujeres

2010-05-28T03:16:00.000-07:00

To gain her freedom from the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, Mu Sochua's parents put her on a plane to Paris. It was 1972 and she never saw them again. After 18 years of exile as a leading figure in the Cambodian community leader in the San Francisco Bay Area and in the Cambodian/Thai border refugee camps in charge of education and social services, Mu returned to Cambodia and found her country transformed into what Time magazine called "a pervert's paradise," where women and girls were so devalued that becoming a sex worker was a common fate. The international NGO Vital Voices honored Mu Sochua in 2005 for her efforts in combating child trafficking in Cambodia. As Cambodia's first Minister of Women's Affairs, Mu negotiated an agreement with Thailand allowing Cambodian women trafficked as sex workers there to return to their home country in lieu of being jailed, authored and defended the Domestic Violence Law in Parliament. She pioneered the use of frank television commercials and toured the country for five years to spread the word about trafficking to vulnerable young girls and boys. Mu continues to be steadfast in calling for international attention to government corruption and human rights abuses in her government. She is the first woman to become secretray-general of a political party in Cambodia and as the opposition party top leader she constantly faces threat and intimidation. (6.2009)

Read more about Mu Sochua:

Crusader Rowing Upstream in Cambodia
By Seth Mydans, New York Times
February 21, 2010

En la era de la intolerancia, la solidaridad nos inspira por BENEDICT ROGERS

2010-05-28T03:02:00.001-07:00

‘In an age of intolerance, solidarity inspires’

Rohingya refugees in a Bangladeshi camp (Reuters)

By BENEDICT ROGERS
Published: 28 May 2010

When I visited the makeshift camps for Rohingya refugees on the Bangladesh-Burma border, I made up my mind there and then that I would not rest until their plight received the attention it needs and deserves.

In all my travels to places of poverty, conflict and oppression, I don’t think I have seen human misery on such a scale. It was wet season and the rain seeped through the ground and dripped through the roof of every shack. Children were malnourished, some chronically, and the sick were dying with no access to medical care. Teenagers were teaching younger kids, because there was no schooling available. They told me that they themselves should still be in education, but there were no opportunities for them and so they shared their limited knowledge with those younger than them.

Fear and despair haunted the eyes of most people I met, as they told me that they were a people “at the brink of extinction”. Despite having lived in northern Arakan state, Burma, for generations, they said that Burma’s regime does not regard them as citizens. “The Burmese tell us ‘you are Bengali, go back to Bangladesh’. The Bangladeshis tell us, ‘you are Burmese, go back to Burma’. We are trapped between a crocodile and a snake.”

For pure humanitarian reasons, I believe it is not only morally right, but imperative, to speak up for the beleaguered Rohingya. Medicins Sans Frontieres (MSF) ranks them among the ten people groups around the world most at risk of extinction. They are in urgent need of humanitarian help and advocacy.

However, I believe it is also in our interests to help the Rohingya. It is in the interests of all the people of Burma to include and involve and welcome the Rohingya as full and equal citizens and as allies in the democracy movement. Burma cannot be a true democracy, respectful of human rights, if when the time comes for freedom, the Rohingya continue to be denied citizenship, marginalised, oppressed and alienated. Freedom for Burma must mean freedom for all its people. Human rights are universal if they are to mean anything.

As a Christian, I believe first and foremost that my faith teaches me to speak out for the oppressed, of whatever religious or racial background. My compassion can never be restricted to helping fellow Christians. However, there are occasions when my fellow Christians, among the Chin, Kachin, Karen and Karenni for example, need help. I documented their plight in my report Carrying the Cross: The military regime’s campaign of restriction, discrimination and persecution against Christians in Burma. When it was published, my Rohingya friends issued a statement endorsing the report, and spoke at the launch event. They, the Muslim Rohingyas, stood in solidarity with the Christian Chin, Kachin, Karen and Karenni. In an age of extremism, religious intolerance and religiously-motivated conflict around the world, that spirit of solidarity is a powerful inspiration. They were there when my fellow Christians needed a voice; it is right, therefore, that I should be there for them. Religious freedom is indivisible – if one group wants the right to practice their faith peacefully, they must champion that right for all.

I once asked a Rohingya friend whether there was a risk of the Rohingya Muslims being radicalised. With a book of Martin Luther King’s speeches in his hands, he nodded gravely. Yes, he said. “If our people continue to be persecuted by the regime, sidelined by the democracy movement and ignored by the rest of the world, and if radical Islamists come and offer help, there is a risk that our people will be influenced by that and turn to extremism.” That, surely, is reason enough to reach out to the Rohingya, for the last thing Burma needs right now, on top of all its other woes, is rising militant Islamism.

So for all these reasons, primarily the humanitarian need, I have been working for the Rohingya. I produced a report on my visit to the Bangladesh-Burma border, I have arranged briefings for Members of Parliament, and drafted parliamentary questions to raise the plight of the Rohingya in parliament. In November 2008, I took three Rohingya to Brussels, to brief members of the European Parliament, Commission and Council. And earlier this month, Maung Tun Khin, President of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), and I, travelled to Washington DC.

In Washington DC we spoke at a briefing in the US congress, met officials in the state department, and talked with staff of various senators and congressmen. We had half an hour with congressman Joseph Pitts, and – most significantly – an hour and a half with congressman Chris Smith. These two men are both committed Christians, and champions of human rights and religious freedom. Both were unaware of the plight of the Rohingyas, but when they heard about the grinding, dehumanising treatment they face at the hands of the regime – restrictions on movement, marriage, access to education, and freedom of religion – they were deeply moved.

Congressman Smith is tabling the first ever resolution focused on the Rohingya in the US congress as a result. The resolution urges the junta to restore the Rohingya citizenship status, calls for the US government to provide assistance, and recommends the establishment of a UN commission of inquiry to investigate crimes against humanity, including in northern Arakan.

People have commented on the inter-faith collaboration shown by Christian Solidarity Worldwide and the Rohingya working together. Personally, I long for a day when such collaboration is unremarkable. In an era of religious extremism and intolerance, those of us who are motivated by our faith tradition to be voices of freedom, peace and human rights should work together. In Burma, that is particularly needed.

Division, whether on religious, ethnic or political lines, has hindered the struggle. Burmans, Arakanese and others need to recognise that their enemy is not the Rohingya, and that in fact with the Rohingya together they have a common enemy: the regime. One Rohingya leader told me that his vision is for Burma to be a beautiful garden, in which different flowers with different colours grow side by side in the same soul – individual, distinct, unique, but united. So I urge every Christian and every Buddhist to speak out for all the people of Burma, including the Rohingya, who desperately need a voice.

Descomunal incendio en el centro de Birmania

2010-05-28T02:53:00.001-07:00

Descomunal incendio caldea aún más clima en Myanmar



24 de mayo de 2010, 12:37Yangon, 24 may (PL) Un incendio destruyó hoy un centenar de tiendas en el mayor centro comercial de Myanmar, que sufre además una ola de calor y su peor sequía de los últimos años. Aún se desconoce si murió alguien en el siniestro, al parecer causado por un corto circuito en el último de los cinco pisos del mercado Mingalar, en los suburbios surorientales de esta ciudad. El fuego comenzó en la mañana y aún a media tarde una docena de camiones cisternas intentaban extinguirlo, empeño obstaculizado por temperaturas que superan los 40 grados Celsius en estos días. Densas columnas de humo caldeaban la atmósfera, irrespirable de por sí debido al calor, mientras la gente acechaba tratando de rescatar algún bien del edificio. Mientras, las reservas de agua merman por días en la antigua Birmania, donde los habituales cortes eléctricos impiden el bombeo hacia los hogares, generando un malestar adicional. Yangon, Sagaing, Bago e Irrawaddy sufren la intensa sequía, al punto que las personas administran el agua como si fuera gasolina. Atrás quedó el tradicional Festival del Agua, arruinado aquí por atentados que dejaron 10 muertos, como para agitar más un país que prepara sus primeras elecciones en 20 años. Para colmo, el río Mekong sufre su nivel más bajo en casi medio siglo, debido a la escasez de lluvias y, supuestamente, al efecto de las numerosas represas construidas corriente arriba.

Birmania, Corea y la Energia Nuclear

2010-05-28T02:47:00.000-07:00

Un nuevo informe realizado por un grupo de expertos de la ONU revela que Corea del Norte ha estado utilizando empresas pantalla para exportar tecnología nuclear y de misiles y ha ayudado a Irán, Siria y Birmania, según reveló a Reuters un diplomático occidental.

"Los detalles en el informe no son totalmente sorprendentes", afirmó el diplomático, en referencia al documento elaborado por el equipo de expertos de la ONU encargado de supervisar el cumplimiento de las sanciones del Consejo de Seguridad contra Pyongyang. "Básicamente, sugiere que Corea del Norte ha exportado tecnología nuclear y de misiles con la ayuda de empresas pantalla, intermediarios y otras artimañas", añadió.

"La cuestión es que Corea del Norte ha estado prestando ese tipo de ayuda a Irán, siria y Birmania", precisó, aclarando que las pruebas son preliminares y será necesario investigar más a fondo. Pyongyang es objeto de sanciones de la ONU tras llevar a cabo ensayos de artefactos nucleares en 2006 y 2009. Estas sanciones incluyen prohibiciones en las exportaciones o importaciones de tecnología nuclear y de misiles por el régimen comunista.

Responsables de Inteligencia y diplomáticos occidentales sospechan desde hace tiempo que Corea del Norte estaba suministrando tecnología prohibida a Irán, país que Estados Unidos y sus aliados sospechan que están desarrollando armamento bajo la cobertura de un programa energético nuclear civil.

Las agencias de espionaje occidentales también sospechan que Birmania está interesada en adquirir tecnología nuclear de Corea del Norte, mientras que en 2007 Israel bombardeó lo que responsables occidentales dicen que era un reactor nuclear sirio basado en un diseño norcoreano, algo que Damasco niega.

El informe sobre Corea del Norte llegó a los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU cuando estos se preparan para la posible discusión sobre las acusaciones de que Pyongyang atacó un buque surcoreano el pasado marzo matando a 46 marinos.

Marking a 20th anniversary in Burma

2010-05-27T07:26:00.001-07:00

is the 20th anniversary of the last general election held in Burma in which the National League for Democracy (NLD) won an overwhelming victory. It seemed like the dawn of a new era in a country ruled by a brutal military junta since 1962, but the generals did not allow the NLD to form a government. Since then the party’s iconic leader, Nobel Peace Laureate , Aung San Suu Kyi, has spent 15 of those 20 years under house arrest.

Again the generals are to hold elections towards the end of this year, not because they have had a Pauline conversion to the ideals of democracy, but in an attempt to give a veneer of legitimacy to their totalitarian regime. Recently promulgated election laws, together with the flawed constitution of 2008, are designed to cement the junta’s grip on power. These Machiavellian machinations bar Aung San Suu Kyi and more than 2,000 other political prisoners from taking any part in the election, guarantee 25 per cent of parliamentary seats to the military and give them control over key ministries. In addition, the commander-in-chief is given power to take over government during a state of emergency and veto power over future constitutional amendments.

A significant clause gives blanket immunity to the military for all past human rights violations. To compound the travesty further, the electoral commission members are handpicked by the generals and media are subject to strict censorship laws in relation to election comment or reportage.

Such undemocratic provisions left no option to the NLD but to refuse to register for this patently unjust election, for to do so would have required them to expel Aung San Suu Kyi and many hundreds of their jailed leaders and activists and give credibility to an utterly flawed election.

The proposed elections, if they go ahead as planned, will be but a mockery of democratic values and must be seen for the sham that they clearly are. For any democratic government or international agency to recognise them, or support them in any way, would give comfort and reassurance to a discredited and ruthless regime and demoralise those activists working within Burma for a return to democratic rule. Instead, they should be calling for an official United Nations Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Burmese military dictatorship as recently recommended by UN special rapporteur on Burma, Tomas Quintana.

We urge our own Government to support Mr Quintana’s call for a long overdue investigation. It is time that the uniformed thugs who have so cruelly misruled their people for 48 years were brought to heel. – Yours, etc,

Desde el otro lado del río- Sant Adrià 27 de Mayo de 2010- El valor de acoger la diversidad

2010-05-27T05:20:00.000-07:00

Hay ríos que nos dan la vida y otros nos dan la muerte.

Hoy estaremos en la Plaça de la Vila de Sant Adrià con todos los niños y niñas que han preparado un Homenaje a Birmània a su lider Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Más tarde nos encontraremos con el alcalde del pueblo y el pleno del Ayuntamiento. Todo esto podría parecer una acción más de sensibilización de la Campaña de Birmania por la Paz, si no fuese por el río Besos.

Hace dos dias inagurabamos en el Museu d´historia de la Inmigració de Catalunya, " Sala de Partos Birmania". Los retratos que Irene Laxmi tomo en su convivencia con las mujeres birmanas. Estabamos todos en los margenes del río.

Quiero agradecer a todo el Ayuntamiento de Sant Adrià de Besos, a su alcade, regidores y sobre todo a las organizaciones civiles el precioso trabajo que han hecho en estos ultimos 15 años que hacia que no veía el pueblo, que un dia fue el mio. Ha sido emocionante volver a recuperar mi patria

Sant Adrià fue mi patria adoptiva cuando llegue del Sur, cruce el mismo rio que muchos imigrantes cruzaban entonces hacia Catalunya con mi familia buscando una vida mejor. En Sant Adrià aprendí mis primeras lecciones de justicia social, marginación, pobreza, exclusión y derechos humanos. Sant Adrià ha sido mi maestra, y curiosamente su alcalde actual fue mi profesor. Cada calle de Sant Adrià tiene en mi memoria el latido de la resistencia de los inmigrantes andaluces, gallegos y catalanes conviviendo.

Sant Adrià se parecia muchisimo a lo que ahora son algunas ciudades de la frontera de Tailandia, acogen a muchos inmigrantes birmanos que buscan una vida mejor... y ha tenido tambien el potencial de cambio que todos deseamos en Tailandia y Birmania.

Volver a ver el río Besos evoca en mi el valor de la acogida, la generosidad del pueblo de Catalunya y del Tailandes hacia los nuevos venidos y el cambio posible...

¡Birmania el cambio es posible y para eso solo hay que ver Sant Adrià!.
Como no podras verlo porque estas presa, Birmania, Sant Adrià te vera a tí, y al verte solo al verte, evocarte con sus niños en la calle... te cambiara.

Gracias Sant Adria y a todos los pueblos que defienden la Paz y siguen acogiendo a los pobres de la Tierra

Las elecciones en Birmania- Analisis politico

2010-05-27T05:19:00.001-07:00

The Myanmar Elections

Asia Briefing N°105 27 May 2010

Myanmar will shortly hold its first elections in twenty years. Given the restrictive provisions of the 2010 Political Parties Registration Law that bar anyone serving a prison term from membership in a political party, many imprisoned dissidents will be excluded from the process, unless they are released in the near future. Aung San Suu Kyi – whose suspended sentence and house arrest possibly exclude her also – has condemned the legislation, and her National League for Democracy (NLD) has decided not to participate and has, therefore, lost its status as a legally-registered party. There has rightly been much international criticism of the new constitution and of the fact that the elections will not be inclusive, but the political and generational shift that they will bring about may represent the best opportunity in a generation to influence the future direction of the country.

The balloting will take place in the framework of the new constitution, adopted under highly questionable circumstances in 2008. That document, which will come into force following the elections, will entrench the military’s power. It gives the institution significant autonomy, as well as considerable political influence, by reserving a quarter of the seats in national and regional legislatures for it and creating a powerful new national defence and security council controlled by the commander-in-chief, who also receives control of key security ministries and other extraordinary powers.

It seems very likely that the vote will go ahead without any moves by the regime to address concerns. At the same time, the problematic nature of the process should not lead observers to underestimate its significance. The elections and the constitution they will bring into force will define the political landscape for years to come and will influence what opportunities there are to push for long-overdue social, economic and political reforms in Myanmar. An understanding of the political dynamics they will create is, therefore, vital.

It is clear that the top leaders, Generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye, will step aside after the elections, making way for a younger generation of military officers. Although the old guard may continue to wield significant influence behind the scenes, the reins of power will be in new hands, and the new political structures make it unlikely that any single individual will be able to dominate decision-making in the way that Than Shwe has in recent years. Myanmar has been under military rule for half a century. The attempts by the regime to introduce a more civilian and plural character to governance, however tentative and flawed they may be, should be critiqued but not dismissed.

These were the messages of Crisis Group’s August 2009 report, Myanmar: Towards the Elections, and they continue to be valid. This briefing updates recent developments, including an analysis of the electoral legislation issued in March. It provides a timeline for the implementation of the new constitutional structures after election day, including the formation and initial functioning of the new legislatures. It also examines the critical question of the impact on the ethnic conflict and concludes that renewed fighting in areas where ceasefires currently hold should be of concern but remains on balance unlikely. A brief assessment of the recent mass sell-off of public assets, which was driven in part by the uncertainty of post-election rent-seeking opportunities, suggests that this could have greater impact on the political economy than the elections themselves, by providing significant off-budget resources that will help the army take advantage of the considerable autonomy and political influence written into the constitution for it.

The electoral legislation is in most respects almost identical to the laws governing the 1990 poll, including provisions that led to a broadly fair count. The most significant departures are highly restrictive provisions in the Political Parties Registration Law. This suggests strongly that, as in 1990, the elections will be characterised by a campaigning period that is highly controlled and far from free, but that the voting on election day may well be relatively fair. Such a scenario presents important challenges, as well as opportunities, to domestic stakeholders and to the international community.

Jakarta/Brussels, 27 May 2010

http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/burma-myanmar/B105-the-myanmar-elections.aspx

Estampas birmanas- 27 de Mayo 2010

2010-05-27T05:17:00.000-07:00

Myanmar child stamps on effigy

A Myanmar child stamps on an effigy of junta chief Senior Gen. Than Shwe at a protest to mark the 20th anniversary of the 1990 democratic elections in Myanmar, in New Delhi, India, Thursday, May 27, 2010. Detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s party won the election but were never allowed to take power.… Read more »

(AP Photo/Mustafa Quraishi)

MILES DE TAILANDESES REZAN EN BANGKOK PARA LA PAZ Y LA RECONCILIACION

2010-05-27T05:10:00.000-07:00

Miles de personas de diversas religiones se congregaron hoy en Bangkok para rezar por la paz y la reconciliación en Tailandia, poco antes de que un doble atentado con explosivos dejara dos muertos y más de 40 heridos en el sur del país.

La oración, en la que participaron budistas, cristianos, musulmanes e hindúes, comenzó esta madrugada en distintas zonas de la capital, a una semana del asalto del ejército al campamento que los manifestantes opositores “camisas rojas” mantenían desde hace dos meses.

La jornada de oración tuvo lugar en 10 puntos de la capital tailandesa, incluidas las ruinas del centro comercial incendiado la semana pasada por los “camisas rojas” en respuesta a la rendición de sus líderes, reportó el diario Bangkok Post en su página web.

“Estamos rezando para que Dios ayude a nuestro país; la situación está tranquila ahora pero el miedo sigue en nuestro corazón porque nadie sabe qué puede pasar en el futuro”, dijo a la prensa Sumitr Khorana, un líder de la comunidad hindú.

Al menos 88 personas, la mayoría manifestantes, murieron durante los dos meses de protestas, incluidas 16 que fallecieron el miércoles de la semana pasada en el asalto del ejército contra el campamento que mantenían los “camisas rojas” en el corazón financiero de Bangkok.

Además, mil 800 heridos, casi 40 edificios incendiados, saqueos y pérdidas económicas calculadas en 3.7 millones de dólares constituyen el saldo de la ola de violencia en Bangkok, según cifras tailandesas.

La jornada de oración coincidió con dos atentados con bomba perpetrados en el sur de Tailandia, escenario de una rebelión separatista, con un saldo de dos muertos y más de 40 heridos, informó la policía tailandesa, citada por el Bangkok Post.

La primera bomba estalló a las 10:15 horas frente a una concesionaria de automóviles en Yala, principal ciudad de la provincia del mismo nombre, y 10 minutos después estalló otra cerca del lugar, a donde policías y socorristas habían llegado.

La policía atribuye el doble atentado a los insurgentes islámicos, que en el pasado han atacado a funcionarios en el marco de su guerra separatista que ha dejado más de cuatro mil muertos desde 2004.

LOS AVANCES DE LA PRESIDENCIA ESPAÑOLA DE EU EN ASIA

2010-05-27T05:08:00.000-07:00

La UE no logra que los países del sureste de Asia condenen el ataque al buque surcoreano

El ministro español de Asuntos Exteriores, Miguel Ángel Moratinos, expresó ayer en nombre de la UE su "apoyo sin fisuras a Corea del Sur" y calificó de "inaceptable y de enorme gravedad" el hundimiento de una corbeta surcoreana por parte de un submarino de Corea del Norte. Sin embargo, la declaración final de la reunión ministerial celebrada ayer en Madrid entre la UE y la ASEAN (Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático) es mucho menos contundente. Los ministros de los 37 países se limitan a mostrar su "profunda preocupación" por la tensión generada tras el hundimiento del Cheonan y la publicación de los resultados de la investigación internacional (sobre cuya fiabilidad no se pronuncian), y llaman "a todas las partes afectadas a realizar un ejercicio de contención e intensificar los esfuerzos para promover una paz y seguridad duraderas en la península coreana". Fuentes diplomáticas europeas admitieron que la UE intentó obtener una declaración más firme de condena al régimen de Pyongyang, pero que los países de la ASEAN (Brunei, Indonesia, Tailandia, Vietnam, Laos, Camboya, Malaisia, Filipinas, Singapur y Myanmar) se opusieron alegando que Corea del Norte podría dejar el foro de seguridad regional, uno de los pocos organismos internacionales en los que aún participa.

Eso sí, la declaración urge a Corea del Norte a cumplir con las resoluciones de la ONU en materia de desarme nuclear, le insta a renunciar a nuevos pasos que puedan exacerbar la situación y le recuerda que no puede obtener el estatuto de Estado nuclear de acuerdo con el Tratado de No Proliferación (TNP), aunque posea el arma atómica.

A la cita de Madrid faltaron tres ministros de Exteriores de la ASEAN (Indonesia, Filipinas y Tailandia) y 18 de la UE (Francia, Italia y Reino Unido, entre otros), pero la gran ausente, como ya viene siendo habitual, fue la jefa de la diplomacia europea, Catherine Asthon. Ésta llegó con la reunión ya acabada, a tiempo solo de participar en la cena y en un encuentro bilateral con el ministro birmano, U Nyan Win. Su objetivo era organizar la primera "misión exploratoria" de la UE a Rangún desde 2002, rompiendo así con la política de aislamiento de la Junta Militar. En la declaración final de la reunión se insta al Gobierno birmano a que las elecciones anunciadas para este otoño se inscriban en un "proceso democrático, transparente e inclusivo" y se pide una pronta liberación de los detenidos políticos. El comunicado incluye también una mención a la premio Nobel de la Paz Aung San Suu Kyi, pero la atribuye en exclusiva a la UE. La ausencia a última hora del jefe de la diplomacia tailandesa permitió obviar la sangrienta represión del moviento de los camisas rojas aunque, como recordó Moratinos, el tema ni siquiera figuraba en la agenda.

TAILANDIA PAIS TRENCAT- TAILANDIA PAIS ROTO- AGORA TV3

2010-05-27T04:44:00.001-07:00

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2010-05-25T08:08:00.000-07:00

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Gobierno tailandés podría explicar crisis en el marco de la reunión UE-ASEAN

2010-05-25T08:07:00.001-07:00

La reunión ministerial entre la Unión Europea y la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN) puede ser un buen marco para que el Gobierno tailandés explique lo que hará para "normalizar la situación" en su país, indicaron hoy fuentes diplomáticas de España, presidente de turno de la UE.

En la reunión de ministros de Asuntos Exteriores de la UE y la ASEAN que Madrid acoge el próximo miércoles no se incluye la actual crisis de Tailandia como uno de los temas oficiales de la agenda, dijo a la prensa el director general para Asia y Pacífico del Ministerio español de Exteriores, José Eugenio Salarich.

Sin embargo, precisó, podrá ser una "ocasión" para que el ministro tailandés de Asuntos Exteriores, Kasit Piromya, "explique a sus colegas asiáticos y europeos" lo que hará su Gobierno "para normalizar la situación política".

Tailandia vive una grave crisis tras dos meses y medio de manifestaciones de fuerzas opositoras que pretenden forzar la disolución del actual Parlamento y la convocatoria de elecciones anticipadas.

Hasta el momento, 85 personas (74 civiles y 11 agentes del orden) han muerto en las protestas.

Salarich agregó que las autoridades tailandesas podrán aprovechar también la reunión de Madrid, encuadrada en los eventos de la presidencia española de la UE este semestre, para explicar qué efectos puede tener esa crisis en la situación económica y en concreto en el turismo, uno de los motores de la economía de Tailandia.

El diplomático español, que fue también embajador en Tailandia y subrayó su gran interés por lo que ocurre estos días en Bangkok, mostró su confianza en una salida pacífica al conflicto "interno" tailandés.

"El sudeste asiático necesita a Tailandia", pero ha de ser "una Tailandia estable", aseveró.

La reunión de ministros de los 27 países de la UE y los de la ASEAN (Birmania, Brunei, Camboya, Filipinas, Indonesia, Laos, Malasia, Singapur, Tailandia y Vietnam) tiene previsto concluir con la firma de una Declaración de Madrid destinada a reforzar la cooperación entre estas dos regiones del mundo.

Las relaciones con China, la dictadura birmana, la cooperación política, económica y antiterrorista, la colaboración en la lucha contra la piratería, las negociaciones sobre el cambio climático, la no proliferación nuclear, la discusión de los derechos humanos y la superación de la crisis financiera internacional son algunos de los asuntos claves que se examinarán en la reunión.

Además del encuentro multilateral, la UE celebrará sendas cumbres bilaterales con los representantes de Birmania y Tailandia, según adelantó Salarich.

La BBC centra sus servicios en internet LONDRES. La BBC planea transferir la mayor parte de su producción del servicio mundial a internet y a los telé

2010-05-25T08:06:00.001-07:00

Se trata de una estrategia para acometer fuertes recortes de presupuesto y hacer frente a la caída de oyentes radiofónicos, según informó su director, Peter Horrocks.

Horrocks explicó en una entrevista al diario Financial Times que los elevados gastos que supone el servicio mundial de radio son una de las motivaciones que han llevado a tomar esta decisión. Según datos del último sondeo de audiencias de la BBC, mientras que los visitantes a la pagina web pasaban de los 238 millones de 2009 a los 241 millones de 2010, la audiencia del servicio mundial de radio caía un 9 por ciento: de 177 millones de oyentes a 161 millones.

La situación económica de la BBC se agravó ayer cuando el Gobierno británico anunció un recorte del 3 por ciento en el presupuesto del Foreign Office, lo que deja al servicio mundial de la BBC con 272 millones de libras (317,57 millones de euros) de presupuesto anual. “Nos enfrentamos a importantes desafíos en lo que a plataformas de difusión se refiere y, aunque cada vez estamos captando más audiencia, los beneficios que podrían derivar de eso se evaporan por la inversión en nuevas plataformas”, precisó Horrocks.

Sin embargo, la audiencia del servicio mundial de televisión en árabe y persa ha crecido significativamente, al alcanzar los 16,7 millones de espectadores frente a los 9,7 del año anterior. Además, gran parte de la caída de oyentes en onda corta que refleja la última encuesta -hasta de un 43 por ciento en los servicios en hindú y bengalí- se explica por los acuerdos de colaboración de la BBC con emisoras locales para emitir en FM y AM.

“Llegar a tantos lugares es muy importante como símbolo, pero si la gente no dispone de aparatos que captan la onda corta, mantener estos servicios por razones metafísicas no tiene mucho sentido”, señaló el directivo. En países como Somalia o Birmania, donde no hay posible sustituto, se mantendrá el servicio radiofónico por onda corta, aunque en los próximos cinco años este servicio comenzará a desaparecer.

Algunos directivos de la cadena consideran que los servicios en árabe y persa deberían mantenerse porque contribuyen a reparar la reputación del Reino Unido en Oriente Medio, dañada por su participación en la Guerra de Irak y por la presencia de sus tropas en Afganistán.

Horrocks no especificó qué áreas podrían ser las afectadas por los recortes pero aseguró que hará todo lo posible con el dinero disponible para “seguir explotando la fuerza de la BBC en todo el mundo”.

Madrid acoge mañana reunión de los ministros de Exteriores de la UE y ASEAN

2010-05-25T08:04:00.000-07:00

Los ministros de Asuntos Exteriores de la Unión Europea y la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN) se reúnen mañana en Madrid para conocer mejor los nuevos mecanismos de integración de ambas regiones y alentar su cooperación económica, política y en materia de seguridad.

Los 27 países de la UE reciben en la capital española, sede de la presidencia de turno de la Unión, a los representantes de la diplomacia de Birmania, Brunei, Camboya, Filipinas, Indonesia, Laos, Malasia, Singapur, Tailandia y Vietnam.

Estos países conforman la ASEAN, una de las organizaciones regionales más dinámicas del mundo por su creciente proyección comercial y sus estrechas relaciones con los gigantes económicos asiáticos (China, Japón y Corea del Sur) y de la cuenca del Pacífico (Estados Unidos, Australia, Rusia y Canadá).

Fundada en 1967, la ASEAN cubre un total de 4,5 millones de kilómetros cuadrados y una población de 580 millones de habitantes, con un PIB de casi 3.000 billones de dólares.

En 2010 se están cumpliendo treinta años desde que se abrieron las puertas a los intercambios económicos y políticos entre la ASEAN y la UE según el acuerdo de Cooperación de 1980, aunque las reuniones de ministros de Exteriores de las dos regiones se remontan ya a 1978, con una alternancia en estos encuentros entre los dos continentes.

La reunión de mañana estará copresidida por el titular español de Asuntos Exteriores, Miguel Ángel Moratinos (en virtud de esa presidencia española de turno de la UE), por la alta representante de la UE, Catherine Ashton, y por el secretario general de la ASEAN, Surin Pitsuwan.

Por parte europea acudirán los ministros de una decena de países (el resto de los 27 enviará a otros representantes diplomáticos) mientras que por la ASEAN participarán, en principio, todos los titulares de Asuntos Exteriores excepto los de Tailandia, Indonesia y Filipinas, que ya excusaron su asistencia.

Según explicó a la prensa el director general para Asia y Pacífico del Ministerio español de Asuntos Exteriores, José Eugenio Salarich, la UE y la ASEAN guardan unas relaciones "muy estrechas", con un proceso de integración por parte de la organización asiática "muy similar" al emprendido antes por la Unión Europea, que además le presta todo su apoyo en tal camino.

"Están copiando muchas de las estructuras de la UE" que han funcionado bien en Europa, explicó Salarich, quien subrayó también la "prioridad" que da el Gobierno español a los lazos con el sudeste asiático.

Salarich indicó asimismo que uno de los objetivos de este encuentro multilateral será explicar a la ASEAN el marco institucional que genera el Tratado de Lisboa, el flamante pilar de la integración europea, y cómo les van a afectar a esos países las nuevas estructuras de la UE derivadas de ese documento.

En esta reunión UE-ASEAN está previsto firmar una Declaración de Madrid, que establecerá futuras metas de la cooperación birregional, y analizar lo hecho hasta ahora según las directrices del Plan de Acción de Nuremberg, suscrito por ambos bloques en 2007, y de la reunión de Phnom Penh celebrada en mayo de 2009.

Pero, agregó Salarich, "sobre todo se abordarán grandes temas regionales como la situación en Birmania y las relaciones con China", país con el que la ASEAN ha suscrito un acuerdo de libre comercio que refuerza la condición que ese estado tiene como primer socio comercial del bloque del sudeste asiático.

Otros asuntos contemplados en la agenda son la cooperación en la lucha contra el terrorismo y la piratería, el examen de los problemas derivados del cambio climático, la colaboración dentro de la Alianza de Civilizaciones, el estado de los derechos humanos en la región y el apoyo a la no proliferación nuclear, con especial interés en los casos de Irán y Corea del Norte.

También se examinará la actual crisis financiera internacional, problema en el que los países de la UE tienen mucho que aprender de la ASEAN, cuyos miembros ya vivieron en 1997 un antecedente de esta debacle económica.

"Nos sacan cierta ventaja" a la hora de afrontar la crisis, dijo Salarich, que mencionó otras cuestiones a tratar entre los dos bloques, como la reacción y cooperación ante los desastres naturales y pandemias, así como las consecuencias sanitarias de ellos derivados.

Nuestra querida Bangkok- Our beloved Bangkok

2010-05-21T09:49:00.000-07:00

This is going to be a long note, but I want my overseas friends to understand what has been happening here in Thailand.

I would like to present a case against the international media’s reporting on the situation in Thailand, particularly Bangkok.

Most of you will likely will be seeing only scenes of soldiers shooting or injured people being carried away on international TV channels for 30 seconds, but never get to know the background.

What if these protesters were in New York, Singapore, Tokyo or London?

The truth is, the Thai government has been too accommodating by withholding the use of force since the rally started two months ago (with the exception of the April 10 event, when the soldiers were ordered to move in without live ammunition and subsequently got slaughtered by unknown gunmen shooting from among the red shirt protesters).

The majority of us support the government in dealing with the terrorists hidden amongst the protesters. It held talks with the rally leaders and offered peace solutions to them 10 days ago.

The prime minister publicly urged the protesters to disperse for fear of violence created by the terrorists. But the plan wasn’t accepted.

So, it came time to block food and water supplies from entering the centre of the protest.

If the demonstrators were peaceful, they wouldn’t rush out to throw rocks, firecrackers and even bombs at the soldiers’ barricades — thus causing the soldiers to defend themselves by firing rubber bullets and live rounds.

It has been very frustrating for the law abiding citizens of Bangkok — we even voiced our dissatisfaction at the government for its failure to uphold the laws.

The situation was like Bangkok was being held for ransom. A lot of businesses got affected because it’s happening right in the middle of the major commercial area.

Again, think what your government would do if there were a large group of protesters blocking all traffic at Orchard Road in Singapore; Times Square in New York City; Ginza in Tokyo; or Knightsbridge in London. For two months.

They set up barricades to search through personal belongings of everyone travelling through the area.

Also think what your government would do if those protesters invaded a nearby hospital, causing doctors and nurses to evacuate patients — some of whom were newborn babies in incubators and those in ICU—to other hospitals.

And most important of all, think what would your government do if the protesters were found to have a large stockpile of M79 grenades, M16 and AK47 assault rifles.

Do you think your government would be as tolerant as the Thai government has till now been?

Bilatzen ditugun boluntario-eskakizunak- BIRMANIA POR LA PAZ EUSKADI

2010-05-21T08:37:00.000-07:00

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