jueves 5 de noviembre de 2009

Las elecciones birmanas 2010: son una oportunidad para el Cambio- EEUU presióna a la Junta Militar

U.S. diplomats returned from a rare trip to Myanmar facing a new challenge: How to nurture a budding dialogue with the country's secretive military regime without boosting its legitimacy in the eyes of the outside world.

Speaking to reporters in Bangkok on Thursday, U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Scot Marciel, said that he and another top administration official stressed the need for a more open government in Myanmar, including free and fair elections next year, during meetings with senior government officials and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Tuesday and Wednesday.

Scot Marciel, the U.S. deputy assistant secretary of state, in Bangkok Thursday.

But he said it was unclear whether the junta would be willing to take significant steps -- such as freeing Ms. Suu Kyi and other political prisoners -- that the U.S. and other Western nations are pushing in advance of the elections, the first to be held in Myanmar since 1990.

Such measures would be necessary, he said, before the U.S. would consider further conciliatory moves such as removing its longstanding sanctions against the country. "We're willing to move in terms of our bilateral relationship, but we're only going to do it if there's real progress," he said.

The trip was the highest-ranking U.S. delegation to Myanmar in 14 years, and part of a new Obama administration initiative designed to restore U.S. influence there after years of frosty relations. The country's military regime, which seized power in 1962, is widely criticized for human rights violations and is increasingly viewed as a potential source of instability in the region as it builds up its military power.

U.S. officials say they are particularly concerned about recent indications Myanmar is expanding its ties with North Korea, including unverified reports it may be pursuing a program of nuclear proliferation. They say further discussions with the regime could help shed light on those concerns while also potentially opening the door for a bigger role for opposition groups in the country's government.

More discussions are expected, including a possible meeting between President Obama and senior Myanmar officials during an economic summit in Singapore later this month.

But skeptics fear the dialogue will yield little given the regime's history of ignoring outside pressure and inducements. The meetings could also backfire by enhancing the prestige of Myanmar's leaders, especially if they succeed in wresting more concessions from the American side.

The American officials "are setting themselves up for a trap here," says John Dale, an assistant professor and Myanmar expert at George Mason University in Fairfax, Va. He and other Myanmar experts believe the regime desperately wants to gain international acceptance and is hoping to use negotiations with American representatives to lend credibility to the coming elections, which dissidents believe will only cement the junta's lock on power.

If U.S. officials are "at the table long enough, it helps them claim the elections are legitimate," he says.

Attempts to reach representatives of the Myanmar government, which rarely speaks to foreign journalists, were unsuccessful.

Part of the problem with the U.S. mission, critics say, is that it's unclear what would constitute sufficient progress to merit more rapprochement from the American side. On Thursday, Mr. Marciel said the elections, whose date remains uncertain, wouldn't be credible if they didn't include representatives from the opposition groups that won the last national vote in 1990— an outcome the regime subsequently ignored. But it was unclear whether that meant Ms. Suu Kyi herself should participate, or if the U.S. would accept some other compromise.

It was also unclear whether other steps the U.S. and international advocates are seeking -- such as the involvement of independent election monitors and the removal of curbs on local media -- would necessarily help lead to a fair outcome.

The vote will occur under a constitution that many advocates believe will guarantee an unfair result. Approved by Myanmar residents in a 2008 referendum amid widespread reports of intimidation, it reserves many government posts and 25% of parliamentary seats for military officers, and allows the president to hand over power to the military in emergencies. It also effectively bars Ms. Suu Kyi from seeking elected office because her two sons are foreign citizens.

Mr. Marciel said he thought the constitution was "flawed" but didn't elaborate on whether it would have to be scrapped for a fair election to be held. He also declined to speak in detail about the latest meetings with Ms. Suu Kyi.

Backers of the U.S. effort -- including Ms. Suu Kyi herself -- believe that talking with the junta is better than doing nothing, even if the odds of success are slim. And U.S. officials insist they harbor no illusions about their effort's likelihood of success.

"The elections could be an opportunity" to improve Myanmar's situation, but only if they're done right," Mr. Marciel said. "We will see progress if and when it happens."

Suu Kyi rechaza reunirse con la NLD por Saw Yan Naing- Irrawaddy


Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi canceled a meeting with leaders of her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), because government authorities exclude her longtime colleague Tin Oo, who is under house arrest, according to Burmese state-run newspapers.

The authorities had given permission for Suu Kyi, who is also under house arrest, to meet with NLD party leaders before her scheduled meeting with Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Kurt Campbell on Wednesday, according to The New Light of Myanmar in a story published on Thursday.

Suu Kyi refused to attend the NLD leaders’ meeting without Tin Oo, who is a vice chairman of the party.

“What she wanted is that all NLD leaders should be involved in the meeting,” said Nyan Win, an NLD spokesman.

Meanwhile, ordinary Burmese—politicians, businessmen, schoolteachers, and others—were transfixed on the news about Suu Kyi’s meeting with a four-member US delegation visiting the country on a two-day information gathering mission, according to Rangoon residents.

Relations between the US and Burma are in the preliminary stages of direct contact between the two governments, which have not had normal relations for nearly 20 years.

US economic sanctions against Burma have been in force for more than 10 years. Both countries have expressed a willingness to resume negotiations designed to improve relations.

Journals, newspapers and broadcast media were allowed to report details about the US delegation’s visit and publish photographs of pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi and the members of the delegation.

Some Burmese journalists working for local journals and foreign news agencies were allowed to photograph Suu Kyi and the US delegation, but no questions were permitted.

A journalist in Rangoon said The Myanmar Times and Bi Weekly journal sold very well on Thursday because of the coverage and photographs of Suu Kyi.

“People also talked a lot about Suu Kyi in teashops and markets,” she said.

A government worker in Rangoon said, “I wanted to see and read the news. As soon as I heard there were photos of Suu Kyi published, I went and bought a newspaper.”

A schoolteacher in Rangoon said, “This is good news for us. But, I can’t believe it. We have to wait and see.”

Suu Kyi news was also carried on state-run media such as Myanmar Ahlin, and The Mirror, as well as state-run Television MRTV.

¿Qué se esta moviendo en Birmania?- Visita Norteamericana a Birmania

One day after the highest-level US diplomatic visit to Burma since 1995, a US official downplayed the chances that the Obama administration's policy of "pragmatic engagement"

with the regime will quickly lead to democratic reform or an improved human rights record.

The US wants to see "real progress" in Burma, which is officially known as Myanmar, before it extends bilateral ties with the country's military junta, Assistant Secretary of State Scot Marciel said in Bangkok on Thursday.

His cautious perspective, shared at a public forum, reflects that of exiled pro-democracy activists who say that while the junta may have some interest in warming ties, it has a history of stringing visiting Western diplomats along without changing course. Since the 1990s, successive United Nations special envoys have returned empty-handed and been snubbed by junta leaders.

Pressed on what would constitute progress, Mr. Marciel declined to set benchmarks. He said the international community wants the release of detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners so that they could campaign in elections scheduled for next year.

"There is an opportunity for progress… the elections could be an opportunity. But they will only be an opportunity if they're done right," said Marciel, who met with Ms. Suu Kyi during the visit. "I don't see how there can be credible elections that bring legitimacy without inclusive participation, and I don't see how this can happen without a dialogue" among the political players.

The two-day diplomatic meeting between the US and Burma marks the end of a Bush administration policy of isolating the regime and seeking to corral Asian powers into punishing it.

US diplomats say that pressure is still needed, including from trading partners like Thailand and China, if there is to be a political thaw. Sanctions on Burma are a "useful tool" and will remain in place, Marciel said. They include a freeze on US investments and visa bans on government leaders and their families and business associates.

The shift in policy, however, signals the Obama administration's recognition that isolation hasn't changed the behavior of the junta, which took power in 1988 and has ruthlessly repressed internal criticism and waged abusive campaigns against ethnic minorities.

Potential areas for compromise

During their visit, Marciel and Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell met senior government officials but not the junta's supreme leader, General Than Shwe. Many experts on Burma say Than Shwe is strongly opposed to making any concessions to Suu Kyi, whose party won the country's 1990 elections. Those results were annuled by the junta and Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest.

Under Burma's 2007 constitution, which Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy opposed, one-quarter of the seats in parliament are reserved for military officials. Other clauses empower the military to take charge in case of threats to national security in a country that is battling decades-old ethnic insurgencies.

Analysts say Burma's military, the largest in Southeast Asia, remains the key to any transition to some form of democratic rule. "They might be willing to compromise on some issues. Whether they're willing to compromise on political issues is a huge question," says Thant Myint-U, an author on Burmese history and a former UN official.

Bilateral issues that might be finessed include efforts to curb Burma's illegal drugs production and a stop to any illicit dealings with nuclear-armed North Korea. But it will be much harder to find common ground on what constitutes free and fair elections, says Myint-U.

Marciel said the US had raised the issue of nuclear proliferation with Burmese officials, but offered no details. He said US humanitarian aid to Burma was also on the agenda and that the US wanted to continue this assistance, provided it was reaching those in need.

Why Burma might cooperate

Marciel said he wouldn't speculate on why Burma wanted to improve ties with the US. He said the two sides had agreed to appoint envoys and would likely meet next week on the sidelines of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Singapore, which President Obama is attending.

Khin Ohmar, a Thai-based activist at the Forum for Democracy in Burma, said the regime was increasingly irked by the impact of US sanctions and also had concerns over rising Chinese influence in Burma.

"It's clear, they want to see sanctions lifted," she says. The most egregious, from the junta's perspective, are measures that forbid US banks from dealing with Burma and visa bans on leaders and family members, she says.

By reaching out to the US, the government also wants to balance its dependence on China, which has invested heavily in Burma's natural resources and become its main arms supplier. This lopsided relationship and tensions over China's support for border rebels is pushing nationalist generals to rekindle US ties, says Ms. Ohmar.

Las Relaciones Birmanas- Norteamericanas: Mind the Gap! por David L. Steinberg

Burmese-US Relations: ‘Mind the Gap!’
By DAVID I. STEINBERG Wednesday, November 4, 2009







As a Burmese colleague reminded an unofficial Washington conference on Burma/Myanmar a few days ago, departing passengers on the London tube (subway) were warned to “mind the gap” between the train and platform, otherwise there might be an accident.

That advice, he noted, also has merit in thinking about Burmese relations with the US.

That dangerous gap in relations has widened over the decade and a half since the last senior US officials traveled to Burma/Myanmar. The isolation in direct dialogue with that country has also been reflected in US-imposed economic isolation through the imposition of various degrees of sanctions since the failed peoples’ revolution of 1988.

In the past few months, we have witnessed a remarkable shift, not so much in policy but in the efforts to see whether that gap in relations might be narrowed and perhaps bridged.

The present visit of Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell follows the articulation of a new policy toward Burma by the United States, which in turn followed the August visit by Sen. Jim Webb, the chair of the US House of Representatives Asian subcommittee on foreign affairs. These efforts are part of a process, which as Secretary Campbell has noted, is likely to be long and arduous.

The new policy of the Obama administration, released in September by Secretary Campbell, calls for a continuation of the set of sanctions already set in place, and that began over two decades ago when the US cancelled its economic and military aid program in 1988. At the same time, it advocated enhanced and direct dialogue with the Burmese leadership.

Both sanctions and dialogue are obviously not ends in themselves—they are tactical means by which to try to achieve goals. Those goals, according to the administration, are to see a more democratic Burmese administration concerned with improving the economic and political plight of its diverse peoples.

The efforts by the Obama administration to improve relations with Burma/Myanmar through the visits of Sen. Webb and Secretary Campbell, and the new policy are welcome changes. There have been indications from the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) that they too are also interested in exploring better relations.

Both governments are, however, in effect restricted by internal administrative considerations. The SPDC is wedded to its new Constitution that will continue taut military control over the critical affairs of state through an elective process that, as Snr-Gen Than Shwe has noted, will bring “discipline-flourishing democracy,” a version of the democratic process unlikely to satisfy the unmodified meaning of the term “democracy” to the Western world.

He indicated in his March 27, 2009, speech that as a new well does not quickly yield clear water, so the administration under the new Constitution and legislature will require what is, in effect, a military filter of that muddied democratic water.

The Obama administration is also restrained by a strong anti-military sentiment in both parties in the Congress. As a Washington observer noted, Burma is a “boutique issue,” important but not top tier.

And, as another writer indicated, the executive branch, concerned with other more urgent priorities, leased out policy toward Burma to the Congress, from which it is now trying to retrieve it.

The attitudes, or purported attitudes, of Aung San Suu Kyi have strongly influenced U.S. policy backed by an effective lobbying force of rights advocates and expatriate Burmese. Modifications in US policy will not easily be accomplished without significant positive changes within Burma itself.

Clearly, internal political considerations affect the possible narrowing of the gap in relations that presently exists. But this is the best opportunity in about two decades to explore affecting change. It is in the interests of the Burmese people, the United States, and indeed the Southeast Asia region and beyond, that this process proves fruitful.

David I. Steinberg is distinguished professor of Asian Studies at the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. His latest book is “Burma/Myanmar: What Everyone Needs to Know.” (Oxford University Press).

miércoles 4 de noviembre de 2009

Lancia apoya la Campaña Internacional de liberación de Daw Aung San Suu Kyi


- Funny bloopers are a click away

Gracias por apoyar el Movimiento Pro-Democratico Birmano: Daw Aung San Suu Kyi- Birmania por la Paz

El proceso politico birmano o cuidar de la democracia por Concha Pinós


Hasta las elecciones del 2010, no debemos olvidar que Birmania sigue estando bajo una dictadura brutal y totalitaria. Aunque hoy veamos a nuestra amada Suu Kyi caminando libre, sabemos que el gobierno de la Junta Militar no garantiza, hoy por hoy: que las elecciones serán libres, justas y con una constitución consensuada.

Birmania se enfrenta con un triple gran desafio: politico, humanitario y civil, el peor desde que Suu Kyi gano legitimamente las elecciones. La Junta esta encontrado cada vez más manos tendidas pero tambien más presión por los paises de la zona. La población civil birmana en Birmania y en sus fronteras, principalmente Tailandia, India y Bangladesh conocen muy bien lo que significan los cambios politicos de la Junta.

Es fundamental trabajar en equipo por solventar la crisis humanitaria, pactar muy bien que proceso de transición es posible hacer en Birmania y con que garantias. ¿Qué hará el ejército cuando la Junta Militar no este?. ¿Cómo harán frente al gran desafio económico?. ¿Qué sinergía tendran con India, China y ASEAN?. Estas son algunas de las cuestiones que planteo para reflexionar.

El Pronóstico de Birmania no es indepedendiente del de sus presos politicos, ayer moría Win Aung con 65 años en la terrible prisión de Insein. Esta muerte que está rodeada tambien por un continuo flujo de detenciones de opositores. Solo en octubre han caido 50 ( periodistas, estudiantes, activistas). Todavia hay 2168 presos politicos que podrian constituir los lideres birmanos de transición hacia la democracia, pero a los que se les prohibe ejercer sus derechos politicos y se les trata como delincuentes.

¿Qué futuro tendrán las minorías étnicas que huyen de la persecución de la Junta?, Chins, Karens, Rohingyas, Shans, acosados en las fronteras de Tailandia, India, Bangladesh o China. Para inspirarnos en algunas cifras: 100.000 cristianos chin que han huido hacia la india, más de 6000 Rohynghas tirados al mar en los famosos barcos de la muerte, miles de desplazados en la frontera de Bangladesh y China. Examinemos la enorme y variada complejidad relacionar que existe entre el concepto de un estado totalitario frente a un gobierno comunitario. ¿Cómo se puede negociar paradigmas tan diversos?. Además ¿reconoce la Junta Militar la autoridad politica de las minorias y su control de las fronteras?

Hay que trabajar mucho, casi no tendremos tiempo ni para dormir en este proximo año que se avecina. Estos patrones de relación a explorar son un desafio tremendo: como devolver el poder a las nacionalidades etnicas, que hacer con los militares que han ocupado los territorios de las etnias, como se puede cooexistir( en los diferentes modelos de cooperación, reconciliación y entendimiento) durante este proceso.

Para comprender toda esta amalgama politica tan compleja tendriamos que emplear un poco más de tiempo, en hacer llegar a la opinión publica el concepto de " paradigma emergente en un entorno politico incierto y totalitario". Hacer comprender a los dirigentes mundiales que el emponderamiento de la sociedad civil birmana y un trabajo con las empresas ( legales e ilegales) que operan en Birmania, lideres tradicionales etnicos, autoridades religiosas, refugiados en la diasporar, comunidades emergentes, partidos politicos y otras organizaciones.... Todos estos actores tienen un papel en este proceso, son recursos para la resolución- creo en ella profundamente- y por ello hay proveeer proteción y garantias de orden moral universal, y no confundir las hojas con la raiz.

Las lineas de resolución del conflicto birmano y su proceso hacia la democracia, están trazadas. Estamos trabajando, solo hay que ver la perspectiva, reconocer la complejidad politica, no actuar de manera simplista y trabajar por la paz de todos: cuidar de la democracia



Ex ministro de Asuntos Exteriores Win Aung muere en cautividad a los 65 años

l ex ministro de Asuntos Exteriores Win Aung murió anoche a los 65 años de edad en el sórdido presidio de Insein, a las afueras de Rangún, donde fue ingresado en la última purga interna del régimen militar que gobierna Birmania (Myanmar), informó hoy una radio de la disidencia.

Win Aung, hombre de confianza del depuesto primer ministro Khin Nyunt, dirigió la diplomacia birmana entre 1998 y 2004, un periodo en el que el país asiático salió del ostracismo internacional e ingresó en la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN).

Antiguo oficial del servicio de inteligencia militar, Win Aung fue la única persona encarcelada en los cambios ocurridos en la cúpula de la Junta en septiembre de 2004 y que supuso la victoria de la línea dura del régimen.

La muerte de Wing Aung se produce cuando el Gobierno birmano continúa con las detenciones de opositores: 50 en octubre, incluidos periodistas y estudiantes, según la Asociación de Asistencia para los Prisioneros Políticos (AAPP).

De acuerdo con este grupo, en Birmania hay encarcelados 2.168 presos políticos, todos ellos clasificados como delincuentes por las autoridades.

Birmania está gobernada por una dictadura militar desde 1962 y planea celebrar elecciones parlamentarias el año próximo, aunque las últimas organizadas, en 1990, fueron anuladas porque venció la oposición democrática encabezada por la Nobel de la Paz Aung San Suu Kyi.